#46 President Joe Biden

gimmesometruth27 said:

mrussel1 said:

static111 said:

EdsonNascimento said:

Just trying to get the thought here since it's a more liberal bent (to put it mildly) - is anyone concerned with Joe Biden's mental acuity and clear decline?   Or is that just a fictional creation from the right?

Fiction of the right. But anyways at least he has mental acuity that could be in decline unlike the last guy that was clearly working with burnt toast from the get fo.

Ha!  Seriously, Trump has a brain that doesn't work correctly.  It's completely overtaken by conspiracy nonsense.  But it's really just a byproduct of his narcissism.  He can't possibly imagine that not everyone loves him or thinks like him.  Therefore when confronted with these facts, he reverts to conspiracy and nonsense so that it makes sense to him. 

didn't trump say he had a good brain? perhaps the best brain?

hey. he remembered his answers from his cognitive skills test.... thats a brain right there....

 On war powers, Biden has pushed for both more congressional oversight and broad presidential authority
By JM Rieger
March 09 at 5:10 PM EST
Days after President Biden authorized his first lethal airstrike in Syria against alleged Iranian-linked fighters last month, he recommitted himself to a promise he made during the 2020 campaign: to replace decades-old congressional use-of-force authorizations.
The Biden administration did not cite any existing Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF) for his Feb. 25 strike, instead citing Article II authorities and Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. But how Biden approaches repealing or replacing his existing AUMF authorities amid a new bipartisan push to overhaul them could significantly shape his foreign policy agenda.
A Fix review of dozens of Biden speeches and public appearances over the past four decades reveals how Biden has long pushed for more congressional oversight of presidential war powers, even as he supported war authorizations that ultimately expanded the executive branch’s war-making authority. You can watch what Biden has said about war powers in the video above.
Biden campaigned against the Vietnam War during his first congressional campaign in 1972, and in 2002 he described the “sin of Vietnam” as a “failure of two presidents to level with the American people of what the cost would be, what the continued involvement would require and what was being asked of them.”
This framing resurfaced over his decades-long Senate tenure:
In 1989, Biden criticized President George H.W. Bush’s military deployment to Panama and said Bush did not have the authority to remove Gen. Manuel Antonio Noriega.

In 1991, Biden voted against the Persian Gulf War AUMF, arguing that the conflict was not a “vital” U.S. interest.

In 1994, Biden said President Bill Clinton did not have the authority to use force in Haiti without congressional approval.

In 1999, Biden said Clinton needed congressional approval to send ground forces to Kosovo.

In 2003, Biden called for more transparency from the administration of President George W. Bush following the invasion of Iraq for what he described as “a major commitment that’s going to take a long time” in a “much more complicated country than Afghanistan.”
But even as Biden argued for more congressional oversight, he also repeatedly promoted reforms to the War Powers Resolution of 1973 along with views of presidential authority that would seemingly have permitted “virtually every controversial use of force undertaken by presidents” since World War II, as Lawfare’s Patrick Hulme described it, including actions he had opposed on the Senate floor.
At times, Biden has also taken a broad view of presidential authority.
In 1996, Biden told ABC News that the Khobar Towers bombing would constitute an “act of war” by Iran if it were involved and that the United States “could take whatever action it deems appropriate.” In July 2003, Biden defended his Iraq War vote in part, by saying that it strengthened Bush’s diplomatic hand. And in 2011, the Obama administration defended its military campaign in Libya by saying that the War Powers Resolution did not apply (Biden later said he opposed the Libya campaign).
Perhaps the best indication of Biden’s evolving view on presidential war powers and how he might wield them in office comes from two questionnaires he completed for journalist Charlie Savage during his presidential campaigns in 2007 and 2019.
Asked about the possibility of preemptively bombing Iran in 2007, Biden said, “The Constitution is clear: Except in response to an attack or the imminent threat of attack, only Congress may authorize war and the use of force.”
But 12 years later, Biden indicated support for broader presidential authority, as outlined in the 2011 Justice Department memo defending the Libyan military campaign that Biden had said he opposed during a 2016 interview.
“The Constitution vests Congress with the power to declare war and authorize the use of force,” Biden said in 2019. “As is well established and as the Department of Justice has articulated across several administrations, the Constitution vests the president … with the power to direct limited U.S. military operations abroad without prior congressional approval when those operations serve important U.S. interests and are of a limited nature, scope, and duration.”