Jewish Settler Attacks = Terrorism
Comments
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Once again Yosi shows his true colours. In one breath he talks of the need for a two-state solution, and pretends that he's interested in a peaceful settlement of the conflict, and an end to Israel's expansion (despite his contradictory assertion that he's a Zionist, and adheres to an ideology that preaches that Israeli's have a rightful claim to ownership of their imagined Bliblical homeland stretching from the Jordan river to the sea).yosi said:http://jcpa.org/text/resolution242-lapidoth.pdf
Suffice it to say that the Resolution does not actually say what you claim that it says.
Then in the next breath he states that the Palestinians themselves are responsible for their occupation, and for the theft of their land.
And then he produces a convoluted 15 page article by an Israeli professor which attempts to reinterpret the meaning of U.N Resolution 242, and of international law itself. For example, she pretends that the preamble to the resolution which points out "the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war”, is "lawful if it is the result of an act of self-defense". Unfortunately for her, even if Israel's attack on Egypt and Syria in 1967 could conceivably be classed as 'self-defense' in her, and Yosi's topsy-turvy World, Israel's acquisition of Palestinian territory would still be illegal.
Finkelstein - knowing Too Much
[Regardless], Prior to as well as immediately after the June 1967 war leading authorities in international law rejected the proposition that a state can aquire legal title to territory in a war of self-defence:
Ian Brownlie (1963) - "lawful belligerants should not be permitted to act ultra vires [i.e, beyond their power] by acquiring territory as a result of a lawful war"
R.Y Jennings (1963) - "the suggestion that the state that does not resort to force unlawfully, e.g., resorts to war in self-defence, may still aquire a title by conquest...is to be regarded with some suspicion. It seems to be based upon a curious assumption that provided a war is lawful in origin, it goes on being lawful to whatever lengths it may afterwards be pursued...Force used in self-defence...is undoubtedly lawful. But it must be proportionate to the threat of immediate danger, and when the threat has been averted the plea of self-defence can no longer be available...It would be a curious law of self-defence that permitted the defender in the course of his defence to seize and keep the resources and territory of the attacker".
D.W Bowett (1971) - "there is virtually universal acceptance of the principle...that states cannot acquire territory by resort to force...It is impossible to conceive self-defence as justifying the acquisition of title to territory. One can conceive of self-defence justifying the temporary occupation of territory but never the permanent acquisition of title and there is no system or principle of law which conceives of such a thing."
These conclusions have been reiterated in recent scholarly studies. Sharon Korman finds that the U.N Charter, as well as the league of Nations Covenant before it, "prohibit all acquisitions of territory by force, irrespective of the lawfulness of the cause of war," while John Dugard finds that " the United Nations expressly refuses to accept the argument that territory may be acquired as a result of action taken in lawful self-defence," and that "larger majorities in the General Assembly in support of this principle [prohibiting acquisition of territory by means of the lawful use of force] and the failure of any major power to veto it in the Security Council must surely provide prima facie evidence that this principle is part of the International public order, and, by implication, a peremptory norm."
She then goes on to try and alter the meaning of international law herself, and in quoting Professor George Shultz in her concluding paragraph, makes the utterly absurd claim that, at least as far as the Middle East is concerned, we should do away with the very notion of borders, and of nation states altogether:
Prof. George Shultz,
'Today, the meaning of borders is changing, and so is the notion of sovereignty....In these [i.e., the Middle East] territories a vision is needed that transcends the boundaries of traditional nation-states and addresses the clear requirements for the parties’ security, political voice, economic opportunity and community life on an equal basis.
...The juxtaposition of territory for peace need not be a matter of where to draw lines, but how to divide responsibilities.'
If ever a more arrogant, self-serving analysis of international has been written, then I'm yet to see it.
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She also states that: "..it is necessary to draw attention to the fundamental difference between military occupation and the acquisition of territory. The former does not entail any change in a territory’s national status, although it does give the occupier certain powers as well as the responsibilities and the right to stay in the territory until peace has been concluded. Mere military occupation of the land does not confer any legal title to sovereignty.
It may be concluded from the above survey that Resolution 242 requires the parties to negotiate in good faith in order to reach agreement on the basis of a withdrawal of Israeli forces, the establishment by agreement of secure and recognized boundaries, the termination of any state of belligerency, and the recognition by all parties of each other’s independence and sovereignty."
However:
"...implicit in Israel’s occupation policy, [is] that if no peace agreement is reached, the ‘default setting’ of UN Security Council Resolution 242 is the indefinite continuation of Israel’s occupation. If this reading were true, the resolution would actually be inviting an occupying power that wishes to retain its adversary’s territory to do so simply by means of avoiding peace talks – which is exactly what Israel has been doing. In fact, the introductory statement to Resolution 242 declares that territory cannot be acquired by war, implying that if the parties cannot reach agreement, the occupier must withdraw to the status quo ante: that, logically, is 242’s default setting. Had there been a sincere intention on Israel’s part to withdraw from the territories, surely forty years should have been more than enough time in which to reach an agreement."
http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n16/henry-siegman/the-great-middle-east-peace-process-scam0 -
Suffice to say, Yosi yet again scrapes the bottom of the barrel, and uses more trickery, and slippery lawyers bullshit to try and circumvent international law in his desperate efforts to paint Israel and its occupation of the Palestinians in a positive light.0
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As a law student, reading your comments, I can safely say that you didn't understand what she wrote. You've quite simply completely misunderstood and misrepresented her article. None of those quotes contradict her analysis in the slightest.
I love how you accuse others of arrogance and then proceed to dictate to me what Zionism means. As I've said many times before, Zionism does not have a single monolithic meaning, and while some may share your interpretation of it, Zionism need not manifest itself in the manner that you describe. It certainly doesn't for me. But then maybe you'd like to educate me about the content of my own beliefs? I'm sure you're the greater expert in that area.you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane0 -
Prof. Ruth Lapidoth pretends that the 1967 war was a war of self-defence, and that this therefore justifies, and makes legal, Israel's occupation of Palestinian territory.
Prof. Ruth Lapidoth : "As an act of self-defense, this military occupation was and continues to be legitimate, until a peace settlement can be reached and permanent borders defined and agreed upon."
Unfortunately, the historical record doesn't concur with her lies.
Firstly, lack of agreement does not entitle the occupier to maintain the occupation, especially when the occupier has done everything in it's power to prevent any agreement.
Secondly, even if the 1967 war was fought as a war of self-defence, it would still be illegal to acquire the territory it seized during that war, as I demonstrated above.
And lastly, it wasn't a war of self-defence, it was a war of aggression.
'Prime Minister Menachem Begin, in a speech delivered at the Israeli National Defense College, clearly stated that: "The Egyptian army concentrations in the Sinai approaches do not prove that Nasser was really about to attack us. We must be honest with ourselves. We decided to attack him" (Jerusalem Post, 20 August 1982).
A few months after the war, Yitzhak Rabin remarked: "I do not think Nasser wanted war. The two divisions he sent to the Sinai on 14 May would not have been sufficient to launch an offensive against Israel. He knew it and we knew it" (Le Monde, 29 February 1968).
'General Matityahu Peled, one of the architects of the Israeli conquest, committed what the Israeli public considered blasphemy when he admitted the true thinking of the Israeli leadership: "The thesis that the danger of genocide was hanging over us in June 1967 and that Israel was fighting for its physical existence is only bluff, which was born and developed after the war" (Ha'aretz, 1975)
March 1972). Israeli Air Force General Ezer Weizmann declared bluntly that "there was never any danger of extermination" (Ma'ariv, 19 April 1972). Mordechai Bentov, a former Israeli cabinet minister, also dismissed the myth of Israel's imminent annihilation: "All this story about the danger of extermination has been a complete invention and has been blown up a posteriori to justify the annexation of new Arab territories" (Al Hamishmar, 14 April 1972).
After the 1967 war Israel, claimed it invaded because of imminent Arab attack. It claimed that Nasser's closing of the Straits of Tiran constituted an act of war. It also cited Syrian shelling on the demilitarized zone of the Syrian-Israeli border. The claim that the Arabs were going to invade appears particularly ludicrous when one recalls that a third of Egypt's army was in Yemen and therefore quite unprepared to launch a war. On the Syrian front, Israel was engaging in threats and provocations that evidenced many similarities to its behavior in the lead up to the Gaza raid of 1955.
The demilitarized zone on the Syrian-Israeli border was established by agreement on 20 July 1949. Israeli provocations were incessant and enabled Israel to increase and extend its sovereignty by encroachment over the entire Arab area. According to one UN Chief of Staff, Arab villagers were evicted and their homes destroyed (E.L.M. Burns, Between Arab and Israeli, Ivan Obolensky, 1962, pp. 113-114).
Another Chief of Staff described how the Israelis ploughed up Arab land and "advanced the 'frontier' to their own advantage" (Carl von Horn, Soldiering for Peace, Cassell, 1966, p. 79). Israel attempted to evict the Arabs living on the Golan and annex the demilitarized zone. When the Syrians inevitably responded, Israel claimed that "peaceful" Israeli farmers were being shelled by the Syrians. Unmentioned was the fact that the "farmers" were armed and using tractors and farm equipment to encroach on the demilitarized zone (David Hirst, The Gun and the Olive Branch: the Roots of Violence in the Middle East, Faber and Faber, 1984, pp. 213-15). This was part of a "premeditated Israeli policy [..] to get all the Arabs out of the way by fair means or foul."
Shortly after the Syrian response on 7 April 1967, the Israeli Air Force attacked Syria, shooting down six planes, hitting thirty fortified positions and killing about 100 people (Hirst, op. cit., p. 214). It was unlikely that any Syrian guns would have been fired if not for Israel's provocation. Israel's need for water also played a role in the 1967 attack. The invasion completed Israel's encirclement of the headwaters of the Upper Jordan River, its capture of the West Bank and the two aquifers arising there, which currently supply all the groundwater for northern and central Israel.'
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And just to be clear, I didn't post the article above to argue against a two-state solution. Quite to the contrary, the whole gist of the analysis is that 242 calls for a withdrawal of Israeli forces on the basis of a negotiated peace. I just object on principle to blatant misrepresentations regarding legal norms.you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane0
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Bullshit.yosi said:As a law student, reading your comments, I can safely say that you didn't understand what she wrote. You've quite simply completely misunderstood and misrepresented her article.
Yes they do. They thoroughly contradict her 'analysis'.yosi said:None of those quotes contradict her analysis in the slightest.
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That second quote merely points to the inadequacies of the document itself in that when it was written it clearly envisioned some sort of immediate peace process and was never intended to address the reality as we find it today. It doesn't change the fact that 242 doesn't say what you says that it says.Byrnzie said:She also states that: "..it is necessary to draw attention to the fundamental difference between military occupation and the acquisition of territory. The former does not entail any change in a territory’s national status, although it does give the occupier certain powers as well as the responsibilities and the right to stay in the territory until peace has been concluded. Mere military occupation of the land does not confer any legal title to sovereignty.
It may be concluded from the above survey that Resolution 242 requires the parties to negotiate in good faith in order to reach agreement on the basis of a withdrawal of Israeli forces, the establishment by agreement of secure and recognized boundaries, the termination of any state of belligerency, and the recognition by all parties of each other’s independence and sovereignty."
However:
"...implicit in Israel’s occupation policy, [is] that if no peace agreement is reached, the ‘default setting’ of UN Security Council Resolution 242 is the indefinite continuation of Israel’s occupation. If this reading were true, the resolution would actually be inviting an occupying power that wishes to retain its adversary’s territory to do so simply by means of avoiding peace talks – which is exactly what Israel has been doing. In fact, the introductory statement to Resolution 242 declares that territory cannot be acquired by war, implying that if the parties cannot reach agreement, the occupier must withdraw to the status quo ante: that, logically, is 242’s default setting. Had there been a sincere intention on Israel’s part to withdraw from the territories, surely forty years should have been more than enough time in which to reach an agreement."
http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n16/henry-siegman/the-great-middle-east-peace-process-scamyou couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane0 -
Prof. Ruth Lapidoth : "As an act of self-defense, this military occupation was and continues to be legitimate, until a peace settlement can be reached and permanent borders defined and agreed upon."
Finkelstein - Knowing Too Much
P. 170: 'U.S appraisals of Nasser's Intentions on eve of 1967 war'
Major General Meir Amit, head of the Mossad, told senior American officials on 1st June that "there were no differences between the U.S and the Israeli's on the military intelligence picture or it's interpretation". "The Egyptian build-up in Sinai lacked a clear offensive plan," Israeli scholar Avraham Sela reports, "and Nasser's defensive instructions explicitly assumed an Israeli first-strike."
25th May - CIA Appraisal: 'In our view, UAR [Egyptian] military dispositions in Sinai are defensive in character...The steps taken thus far by [other] Arab armies do not prove that the Arabs intend an all-out attack on Israel....In sum, we believe these are merely gestures in the interests of the fiction of Arab unity, but have little military utility in a conflict with Israel.'
26th May - General Earle Wheeler, Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff: 'The UAR's dispositions are defensive and do not look as if they are preparatory to an invasiob of Israel...'There was no indication that the Egyptians would attack. If the UAR moved, it would give up it's defensive positions in the Sinai for little advantage.'
26th May - CIA's Board of National Estimates: 'Clearly Nasser has won the first round. It is possible that [Nasser] may seek a military show-down with Israel, designed to settle the whole problem once and for all. This seems to us highly unlikely...The most likely course seems to be for Nasser to hold to his present winnings as long as he can, and in as full measure as he can.'0 -
This is unbelievably rich. In the same sentence you exalt international law and denigrate me for "slippery lawyers bullshit." Who do you think is responsible for developing international law? The analysis in the article I gave is, in my professional opinion (and here we're talking about my actual profession) a very thorough, reasonable, and I think convincing legal analysis. I'm sorry that it deprives you of a talking point. Deal with it.Byrnzie said:Suffice to say, Yosi yet again scrapes the bottom of the barrel, and uses more trickery, and slippery lawyers bullshit to try and circumvent international law in his desperate efforts to paint Israel and its occupation of the Palestinians in a positive light.
you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane0 -
Hilarious. Yosi now pretends that the legality of Resolutions changes over time. Contrary to your self-serving attempt to re-write U.N Resolutions as you see fit, these Resolutions do not change because of delays in their implementation.yosi said:That second quote merely points to the inadequacies of the document itself in that when it was written it clearly envisioned some sort of immediate peace process and was never intended to address the reality as we find it today. It doesn't change the fact that 242 doesn't say what you says that it says.
If Yosi were to decide that 2+2 = 5, then we'd simply have to accept that 2+2 = 5.yosi said:It is simply because I believe it to be true
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Can you point me to a single misrepresentation of a legal norm in the article? And can you please support your contention with a legal source rather than a layman's opinion.Byrnzie said:
Yet you just posted an article containing many blatant misrepresentations regarding legal norms.yosi said:I just object on principle to blatant misrepresentations regarding legal norms.
No hypocrisy there then.you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane0 -
It's incredible to me that you accuse others of arrogance and yet you presume to know more about international law than a highly regarded professor in the field. Really, you're just an astounding piece of work.Byrnzie said:
Bullshit.yosi said:As a law student, reading your comments, I can safely say that you didn't understand what she wrote. You've quite simply completely misunderstood and misrepresented her article.
Yes they do. They thoroughly contradict her 'analysis'.yosi said:None of those quotes contradict her analysis in the slightest.
you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane0 -
'Deal with it'?yosi said:This is unbelievably rich. In the same sentence you exalt international law and denigrate me for "slippery lawyers bullshit." Who do you think is responsible for developing international law? The analysis in the article I gave is, in my professional opinion (and here we're talking about my actual profession) a very thorough, reasonable, and I think convincing legal analysis. I'm sorry that it deprives you of a talking point. Deal with it.
What's the matter Yosi? Feeling a little uptight?
For the record, I don't give a flying fuck about the fact that you've studied law. Tony Blair also studied law. Does that make all of his lies suddenly become truth?
I think sometimes your arrogance blinds you to reality. I suggest you try climbing down from that mantle you've concocted for yourself.
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What's interesting about this is that you've completely reversed our positions. My point (really that of the article I posted) is that the resolution has a definite meaning that has remained constant. You are the one arguing that the meaning of the resolution should change based on the extended duration of the occupation.Byrnzie said:
Hilarious. Yosi now pretends that the legality of Resolutions changes over time. Contrary to your self-serving attempt to re-write U.N Resolutions as you see fit, these Resolutions do not change because of delays in their implementation.yosi said:That second quote merely points to the inadequacies of the document itself in that when it was written it clearly envisioned some sort of immediate peace process and was never intended to address the reality as we find it today. It doesn't change the fact that 242 doesn't say what you says that it says.
If Yosi were to decide that 2+2 = 5, then we'd simply have to accept that 2+2 = 5.yosi said:It is simply because I believe it to be true
Perhaps you'd like to take a deep breath and get your positions straight?
you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane0 -
Except I didn't say that I know more about international law than this 'highly regarded' professor of yours. I simply focused on the particular article you've pounced on in your ongoing desperation to paint Israel's crimes in a positive light, and exposed a handful of it's falsehoods.yosi said:It's incredible to me that you accuse others of arrogance and yet you presume to know more about international law than a highly regarded professor in the field. Really, you're just an astounding piece of work.
And I don't need to go through every sentence in that article and deconstruct it with a fine-toothed comb. I've already demonstrated that the article is a piece of dishonest, self-serving trash.
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My positions are already straight. I've already shown how this 'highly regarded' professor feels that the resolution is no longer legitimate, due to the passage of time.yosi said:What's interesting about this is that you've completely reversed our positions. My point (really that of the article I posted) is that the resolution has a definite meaning that has remained constant. You are the one arguing that the meaning of the resolution should change based on the extended duration of the occupation.
Perhaps you'd like to take a deep breath and get your positions straight?
"...in their negotiations the parties are not limited or restricted by the guidelines included in the resolution, which is, after all, forty-one years old, and cannot be expected to cover all the questions and alternatives current in 2009."
Keep reaching. You're doing a splendid job.
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You know you're right. A rigorous legal education in no way makes someone a greater authority on law.Byrnzie said:
'Deal with it'?yosi said:This is unbelievably rich. In the same sentence you exalt international law and denigrate me for "slippery lawyers bullshit." Who do you think is responsible for developing international law? The analysis in the article I gave is, in my professional opinion (and here we're talking about my actual profession) a very thorough, reasonable, and I think convincing legal analysis. I'm sorry that it deprives you of a talking point. Deal with it.
What's the matter Yosi? Feeling a little uptight?
For the record, I don't give a flying fuck about the fact that you've studied law. Tony Blair also studied law. Does that make all of his lies suddenly become truth?
I think sometimes your arrogance blinds you to reality. I suggest you try climbing down from that mantle you've concocted for yourself.
But here, since you are such a great legal mind. Resolution 242 calls for all parties to "live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries." If the Resolution simply calls for Israel to unilaterally withdraw to the 1949 armistice line, as you claim, can you explain how that reading doesn't render the above surplus verbiage? And can you explain the significance of the fact that the resolution calls for the withdrawal from "territories" rather than from "all the territories," as earlier rejected drafts of the resolution would have had it?you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane0 -
Interesting article here by the 'highly regarded' professor Ruth Lapidoth, in which she tries to claim that international humanitarian law doesn't apply to Palestinians under occupation.
http://207.57.19.226/journal/Vol2/No1/art5.pdf
Not surprising to see that she's a hero of yours, Yosi.0
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