STEADY essays by Dan Rather and Elliot Kirschner
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Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Russian President Vladimir Putin meet at the G20 Summit in 2018. (Photo by Amilcar Orfali/Getty Images)
The news today that Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states are slashing oil production is a boon for Russia and a slap in the face of the United States. And especially President Biden. It is the result of a dysfunctional relationship long in the making. And it ushers in a new era of America’s interactions with the Middle East.
Gas prices will likely rise, just in time for the midterm elections. Was this the point? It doesn’t take a conspiracy theorist to start putting some troubling pieces together.
You have a regime in Riyadh that was chummy with Donald Trump and his inner circle, especially son-in-law Jared Kushner, with whom the Saudis “invested” $2 billion. And let’s be clear, nobody who is actually looking for a return on their investment would invest in Jared. What was that really about?
The Saudis are led by Mohammed bin Salman, a young autocrat with a reputation for ruthlessness, whose treatment of his own people is marked by atrocious human rights abuses. U.S. intelligence says he personally gave the go-ahead for the brutal murder of Jamal Khashoggi, a Saudi journalist and critic of the regime who wrote for The Washington Post. What a “prince” (well, he’s technically a prince, but you get the point).
The Saudis have been forging stronger ties with Russia, which desperately wants higher energy prices to help it evade Western sanctions and put more pressure on the West to back away from support for Ukraine. So this move clearly reflects the triumph of Putin’s interests over America’s (again bringing us back to the specter of Trump).
Then there is the matter of the missing top secret documents Trump had at Mar-a-Lago. We have seen no proof that the Saudis are involved in that saga, but it’s understandable that so many conspiracy theories would revolve around such speculations.
After all, there is so much about America’s relationship with Saudi Arabia that is shady, and this is just what we know about.
One thing is certain: Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf states have made a very strong statement in rebuffing requests from the United States not to cut production at a perilous time for the world economy. You could try to use the vocabulary of diplomacy to put what happened into context. But another way of looking at it is that the United States sent a long text message to its supposed “friend” group in the Middle East imploring them not to do this and got in return a single emoji with a raised middle finger.
For decades, the United States has walked a tenuous line — dependent on Saudi crude (and happy for a bulwark against Iran) while overlooking a human rights record that is among the worst in the world.
Along the way, the U.S. saved the Saudis from Saddam Hussein and Iraq when they were severely threatened near the end of the last century. And more recently has been protecting them from Iran.
These dynamics offer a real-world example of realpolitik, a foreign policy based on a cost-benefit analysis measured in energy prices and the complexities of the Middle East instead of the values of freedom and democracy that the United States has long espoused. Critics who say all this talk of American values represents rank hypocrisy often have pointed to Saudi Arabia as example 1A.
So where do we go from here? One imagines that the Biden administration had to be planning for this contingency. The president traveled to Saudi Arabia in July to try to ward off the kind of action we saw today — a trip for which he was heavily criticized by those rightly outraged by the Kingdom’s atrocities. Now, that effort has obviously failed.
It is past time for a reckoning between the United States and Saudi Arabia, something that should have happened long ago — such as after 9/11 (15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudi). Any notion that the Faustian bargain we’ve forged with the Kingdom makes sense should be shattered by this latest development.
All options are now, or should be, on the table. Should we halt military sales to Saudi Arabia? Should we find ways to break up the power of OPEC? There is reporting from The Wall Street Journal that the Biden administration may be turning to Venezuela. What other pressure points can be exerted?
What is also clear is that we are seriously overdue to wean ourselves off of fossil fuels — for the sake of the planet, as well as our national and economic security. The Saudis have played their hand. Have they overplayed it? Perhaps they can ask their friend Vladimir how things are turning out.
© 2022 Dan Rather
548 Market Street PMB 72296, San Francisco, CA 94104
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Not today Sir, Probably not tomorrow.............................................. bayfront arena st. pete '94
you're finally here and I'm a mess................................................... nationwide arena columbus '10
memories like fingerprints are slowly raising.................................... first niagara center buffalo '13
another man ..... moved by sleight of hand...................................... joe louis arena detroit '140 -
Antisemitism Is Evil
Hate is hate. It doesn’t get much more complicated than that.
Oct 10 ▷ LISTEN SAVE 
Antisemitism.
Some of us forget about it.
Some never learn about it.
And some resolutely reject it.But it needs to be discussed, often as a reminder, and taught to the young of each succeeding generation. It is an essential lesson of history, past and present.
Antisemitism is evil.
Antisemitism must be condemned in all its forms.
Antisemitism is a toxic seed that, once sown and cultivated, poisons society.
Antisemitism is never a joke. Never brave “speech.” Never clever social commentary.It is hate. Often murderous hate.
And like racism, xenophobia, homophobia, misogyny, and other forms of hate, antisemitism is a destructive and violent force that will continue to weaken our nation and our world unless it is continually confronted head on, with unity, energy, and action.
The inspiration for this post today is the antisemitic vitriol of the musician Kanye West. If you want to know more about what he said and who he is, there is no shortage of sources for that information. But while we should hold accountable the individuals who spew hate, we cannot overlook the broader environment that is allowing this bile to spread.
And we cannot excuse or condone all those who know better but remain silent, let alone those who wink and nod along for their own cynical gain.
We have written before about antisemitism on Steady. We do so out of a sense of decency and duty, and because history and personal experience have taught us how important it is. Ancient wisdom needs to be repeated in order to be learned, preserved, and passed on. It is especially important that younger generations learn the historical lessons of hate and that they see adults disavow it. The Jewish holiday of Passover is guided by this instinct; the story of slavery, persecution, and freedom is told every year, and children play an important role in confronting it. But all of us, regardless of faith or other heritage, need to join in raising awareness for pervasive threats to the health and security of our fellow citizens and ourselves.
Antisemitism is like gun violence, the threats to our democracy, racial injustice, and many other destructive forces that pool beneath the surface, waiting to erupt. In a repetitive raising of awareness, we can build defenses of strength and resilience.
That all of this has to be said again is the point.
That it is often not seen as news because it is so prevalent is the point.
That antisemitism competes with a surge of other hate speech, which also is no longer treated as news, is the point.
That often this kind of dangerous rhetoric goes by with little comment or notice is the point.
That too many with powerful voices and platforms condone, excuse, or ignore this hatred is the point.Hate is hate. It doesn’t get much more complicated than that.
Those who spew or defend hate often use contortions, rationalizations, and lies to try to obscure the purity of the hate. They want to make it seem that THEY are the victims.
It’s why Putin claims that he is pursuing “de-Nazification” of Ukraine when he rains down missiles on parks, schools, and hospitals, and his troops torture and murder civilians, dumping bodies into mass graves.
Here in the United States, it’s why politicians have long stoked fear and animosity toward the “other” — defined in different times and places in different ways, as Black, Asian, Jewish, Catholic, Muslim, Latino, Native American, etc. — as “replacing” and endangering the “real America.”
A few days ago, Alabama Senator Tommy Tuberville spoke at a Trump rally and said the quiet part out loud. Referring to Democrats and Black voters in particular, Tuberville riled up the Trump base with this straight-up racist rhetoric: "They are not soft on crime. They're pro-crime. They want crime. They want crime because they want to take over what you got. They want to control what you have. They want reparations because they think the people that do the crime are owed that."
Acyn @AcynTuberville: They want reparation because they think the people that do the crime are owed that! Bullshit!12:51 AM ∙ Oct 9, 20225,175Likes1,621RetweetsIt’s not so different from what segregationist politicians were saying in the 1960s, except then they might have used a more overtly racist term to describe those they were attacking than “they.”
The general response from Republican politicians to Tuberville was largely the same as it was to Kanye West, or Donald Trump for that matter — a combination of silence, deflection, and various levels of endorsement.
Their cravenness deserves attention, even if it happens over, and over, and over again.
What can we do about it? We can start by being allies to those under attack. In the case of antisemitism, it’s especially important that the burden for raising this issue does not fall on only Jewish Americans. It’s the same for racism, homophobia, and misogyny. We all must speak out. We must use whatever platforms we have to spread messages of support and outrage, to share history, and to elevate voices of healing and understanding.
Ultimately, all the energy that those who spew hate spend trying to convince us that it isn’t really hate is a tipoff that hate is unpopular. So let the spotlight of truth illuminate it for all to see — and call it what it is — so that it can be repudiated and defeated, especially at the ballot box.
Note: If you are not already a subscriber to our Steady newsletter, please consider joining us. And we always appreciate you sharing our content with others and leaving your thoughts in the comments.
© 2022 Dan Rather
548 Market Street PMB 72296, San Francisco, CA 94104
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Not today Sir, Probably not tomorrow.............................................. bayfront arena st. pete '94
you're finally here and I'm a mess................................................... nationwide arena columbus '10
memories like fingerprints are slowly raising.................................... first niagara center buffalo '13
another man ..... moved by sleight of hand...................................... joe louis arena detroit '140 -
Three Weeks
The midterms loom
2 hr ago5425
Three weeks.
That is all that remains between today and Election Day. Voting has already begun in many parts of the country.
Three weeks.
For months, polls have shown race after race as tight, differences of a few percentage points here and there, within margins of error. But recently, those polls seem to suggest Republican momentum. How much? How far will it go? How real is it? We’ve been burned by polling errors in the past. Are they off again now? If so, in which direction? The spectrum of possible outcomes is almost as broad as the country itself.
Three weeks. And America’s future is on the ballot.
All elections are about the future of the country: Who will be granted the keys to power by the public? But not all elections are about the survival of American democracy itself. This one is. During the Republican primary season, candidates echoing the dangerous lies of the party’s leader, Donald Trump, about “stolen elections” and “voter fraud” won many races.
An anti-democratic current now subsumes the Republican Party. At the state level in particular, election-denying governors and secretaries of state could easily wreak havoc and undermine the fairness of future elections. Will they emerge victorious?
For many Democrats, independents, and even Republicans, an existential dread looms over these elections that drowns out any horse race analysis and the idea that this should be a “normal” election driven by issues like the economy. There is a deep and abiding fear, one that is warranted, that America’s system of governance is at a perilous crossroads. But how much has this apprehension affected the electorate at large?
The Republicans enter this election with several structural advantages. Perhaps the biggest one is that they are the party out of power in the House, Senate, and White House (it’s a different story for governors and state legislatures). Parties out of power in Washington tend to win in midterm elections, often big. Over the decades, it hasn’t mattered whether it was Republicans or Democrats in this position — both parties have won. And it has happened so frequently that it’s now almost taken as a given starting point for election analysis. But it doesn’t always happen. Will this be one of those years?
Then there’s the matter of the economy. And here again, the polling suggests it is the biggest concern among voters. The United States might be faring better than other countries in a global inflationary environment, but that is small comfort for those who are struggling with spiking bills for groceries, goods and services, and particularly gas. It’s not clear what Republicans’ proposed solutions would be (or even that they have any), but in election after election, voters have shown that they tend to be guided by their pocketbooks and punish or reward the party in power. In the current environment, sticker shock is hurting working families and people on fixed incomes.
Another Republican advantage is rooted in the way political power is distributed in the American system. Gerrymandering districts is a bipartisan affair, but those who analyze the drawing of electoral district maps tend to give Republicans the edge after the last census. It wasn’t as extreme as Democrats had feared, but a couple of bad breaks from the courts and state legislatures mean the Democrats start at a disadvantage, especially in their bid to keep the House.
Finally, there is the specter of Trump. We have seen the former president take over the Republican Party and infuse a fervor into millions of voters who enthusiastically bask in his cult of personality. They swelled voting ranks when he was on the ballot in 2016 and 2020. Those who understand Trump to be a dangerous autocrat don’t like it, but Trump still has a wide following fueled by a media and an online ecosystem where American problems are blamed exclusively on Democrats. Will these voters show up again in 2022?
Despite Republican momentum, this fall’s races still show some signs of being closer than a normal midterm with a struggling economy would indicate. For starters, while Trump is popular with his base, he is also despised by tens of millions of voters. After all, he lost reelection, which is a bit unusual for modern American presidents.
Trump has injected himself into the 2022 election, to the dismay of many Republican Party leaders. He refuses to cede the spotlight, especially as he worries about his pending legal woes. So while most former presidents tend to play a muted role — especially those who lost after a single term — Trump is everywhere. Will his presence remind voters who don’t like him — or even hate him — that there’s an election in which they should be voting?
Trump has also played kingmaker in anointing Republican candidates, especially in Senate races. This involvement has led to nominees who are underperforming in the polls considering GOP advantages, including in Georgia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. The party can still win these races, and might even be favored, but the Democrats have a chance.
Another hope that Democrats have is anger, and anger can be a powerful motivator in getting your supporters to vote.
Perhaps the event that has done the most to shape these elections and give Democrats hope is the U.S. Supreme Court's decision to overturn Roe. By casting aside decades of precedent and wiping away fundamental rights that Americans had come to take for granted, the Republican-appointed justices on the court gave strong evidence of what many had warned but too few had heeded — that they are politicians in black robes using legal decisions to rewrite American society in ways they never could accomplish through legislative means.
They are acting without restraint and will continue to do so unless reined in by the other branches of government. The unpopularity of many Republican core positions is now out there for everyone to see, with a visceral impact that can be measured in the fraught experiences of real people. The fury generated by this ruling could turn the tide for Democrats in several key races.
For all who hoped Trump’s 2020 defeat would put the country on a more sane and less precarious course, the last two years have proven deeply disappointing. The January 6 committee has highlighted how close America came to a full-blown constitutional crisis that could have shattered our democratic institutions. That danger, as noted above regarding election-denying Republicans running for office, has spread like a pandemic of autocracy. Those who care about our democracy and the rule of law — and that includes many independents and traditional Republicans — are rightly livid and very worried. Will enough vote accordingly?
There are many other factors at play in addition to the ones listed above. They swirl around one another, but ultimately we are required to vote for a person, not a list of issues. And votes count only if they are cast. So it is every qualified citizen’s duty to vote, and to encourage others to do so.
Who will turn out? Who is persuadable? Who will win?
We will know a lot more in three weeks, although with the races this close, we should prepare ourselves that final results could take longer.
What we know right now is that the future of American democracy is on the ballot. Our core principles, our institutions, and our traditions are all at stake. Make no mistake: This country will look very different depending on who wins this election.
The reason why we hold elections is that voting matters. We do not decide our leaders by polls. Right now, there does seem to be a shift in the winds favoring Republicans. But mobilizing voters, getting people to the polls, making sure your side votes, are the actions that will determine the outcome. And that outcome, no matter what you are reading about or feeling today, has yet to be written.
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Not today Sir, Probably not tomorrow.............................................. bayfront arena st. pete '94
you're finally here and I'm a mess................................................... nationwide arena columbus '10
memories like fingerprints are slowly raising.................................... first niagara center buffalo '13
another man ..... moved by sleight of hand...................................... joe louis arena detroit '140 -
Election Day
At our core, we are uncertain about our national identity
42 min ago17
Photo by Alex Wong/Getty ImagesHere we are. The sun has set across most of the United States on “the day before.” Tomorrow, or today depending on when you are reading this, is Election Day.
According to the Associated Press style guide, Election Day is to be capitalized. It is a proper noun, a day circled on the calendar, a day of consequence and import.
What is there to say about this Election Day that hasn’t already been said? Very little. All there is to do is to await the final judgment. Will it be a decisive moment or a muddled narrative? On that, there is no shortage of opinion. The range of what even “responsible” observers think is possible is about as wide as the Rocky Mountains.
Why this is the case says a lot about the skittishness around polls. We treat them with healthy skepticism. We have been burned in the past.
But it’s not just that. The polls are all over the map, literally and figuratively. There are races that could decide the House and Senate in many different states. Meanwhile, those from both sides of the political divide can cherry-pick data to support their fervent hopes, or their deepest fears. We just don’t know.
Perhaps there is also something more fundamental at play. Perhaps a key reason we are so uncertain about tomorrow is that at our core, we are uncertain about our national identity.
Are we the United States that elected Barack Obama, twice and by large margins?
Or are we the United States that elected Donald Trump (albeit without a majority in the popular vote)?
Are we a United States hopelessly divided, or one seeking unity?
Are we a United States looking to return to a mythic and far less equal past, or one embracing a multiethnic future?
Are we a United States that bans books, or one that seeks to expand the voices to whom we listen?
Are we a United States that embraces its democratic traditions, or one that slides amiably toward autocracy?
Are we a United States that respects the autonomy of women over their own bodies, or one that imposes the will of state control?
Are we a United States that recognizes truth, facts, and science, or one that promotes ignorance and conspiracy theories?
These questions, and many others, pull at us, shake our confidence, and undermine our sense of self. We are all of these, to varying degrees. We are, after all, a big, diverse, complicated, continental nation full of contradictions. Our divisions are rooted in our history and our culture.
We have always been a nation lurching toward an uncertain destiny — both liberated by our most noble ideals and tethered by our prejudices. The question in each election is, at that moment, which vision of the United States prevails. Who will be given the power to shape our future?
We will know once all the ballots are counted. (That may take awhile, so we’ll need to be patient.) Right now, all we can do is vote, if we haven’t already, and encourage others to do so.
In times like this, a mantra of “steady” may seem incongruous. That is what makes it all the more necessary. Regardless of what happens this Election Day, the fight for a more just, more free, more empathetic America will continue.
Finally, to all those who kindly inquired about my health after my COVID diagnosis, I am happy to report that after getting vaxxed to the max, and treated with Pax(lovid), I have never been more positive about being told I’m negative. Still must be cautious to guard against a “rebound” but am optimistic. Thanks for all your well wishes. They mean a lot, as does this community. Whatever happens tomorrow, we will be there for each other.
Steady.
Note: If you are not already a subscriber to our Steady newsletter, please consider joining us. And we always appreciate you sharing our content with others and leaving your thoughts in the comments
Publish on Substack© 2022 Dan RatherSubstack is the home for great writing
_____________________________________SIGNATURE________________________________________________
Not today Sir, Probably not tomorrow.............................................. bayfront arena st. pete '94
you're finally here and I'm a mess................................................... nationwide arena columbus '10
memories like fingerprints are slowly raising.................................... first niagara center buffalo '13
another man ..... moved by sleight of hand...................................... joe louis arena detroit '140 -
Democrat John Fetterman won the Pennsylvania Senate race. (Photo: Angela Weiss)And so we wait.
Control of the U.S. Senate, and even, improbably, the House of Representatives, is unknown the day after Election Day and will likely remain so for days and possibly weeks to come. It is a stunning turn of events that should force a reckoning across both parties about old assumptions around voting patterns, the choice of candidates, and messaging. Perhaps the political press and the pundit class should engage in some introspection about why so many could have gotten so much so wrong.
As we stand now, there are some things we can say with certainty.
There was no red wave. Not by a long shot. When you consider the political and economic context for this election, Democrats over-performed at a historic scale. As we and others noted many times, the party that doesn’t control the presidency almost always wins, and usually big, in midterm elections. Not this time. And when you add in President Biden’s relatively low popularity, inflation, and the general unease of the nation and the world, it makes the results we are witnessing even more stunning.
It is clear that the Supreme Court tossing away the right for women to have control over their own reproductive choices was rejected by a lot of Americans. Exit polls showed that abortion was a big issue for voters. And abortion rights measures won in several states, including Kentucky, Montana, and Michigan. As a highly partisan and reactionary Supreme Court continues to rule more as politicians than as justices, it will be interesting to see how, or whether, this shapes the electorate. Also, most Republicans who did win election favor severe abortion restrictions. This issue is not going away.
Donald Trump had hoped to take a victory lap this week as his candidates swept into office, culminating with an announcement he is running for president. He may yet make that announcement, but Trumpism by and large fared poorly on Tuesday. In a number of high-profile races, voters recoiled at the chaos of MAGA America, the outrageousness of the Big Lie, and the nihilism of candidates who would destroy our democracy. Heck, even the toxic Lauren Boebert lost her House seat in Colorado.
To be sure, many Republicans who won at all levels of government have pledged their fealty to Trump and his destructive politics. The dangers to our democratic order remain. But we have a clearer sense of the battlefield. Millions and millions of Americans went to the polls and said, “Enough.” It is fair to guess that if Republicans had run more mainstream candidates, they could have had a better night.
One notable exception to this narrative comes from Florida. The state was once a battleground. It now appears to be ruby red under Governor Ron DeSantis. He emerges as a major power in the Republican Party, and it is clear he wants to be president. Many party leaders would love for him to be the standard bearer, but one person who is not on board is Trump.
This dynamic could lead to an intra-party fight the likes of which we have not seen in a long time, if ever. At stake are a few big unknowns: How loyal will the MAGA crowds be to Trump? What about right-wing media? Trump may be wounded and facing major legal jeopardy, but he has always put his personal interests first. If he goes down, he will try to pull others with him, and he doesn’t care a whit about splitting the Republican Party. Dare we say Republicans in disarray?
It is also striking how different the election results are from the way the races were covered. We heard that voter anxiety over inflation, crime, and even immigration would lead to a red wave. We heard that the Democrats were flailing in finding a message that would resonate with the electorate. We heard about major momentum swings. It was considered a given that Democrats would lose the House. And while that might still happen, it is at least going to be close.
We should be reminded anew to take all political prognostications with caution. And the political press perhaps should focus a bit less on the horse race, especially because they aren’t very good handicappers, and a little more on covering the issues that matter. If you want to know what Americans think, you can’t go only to rural diners. As we saw last night, the voters who are shaping this country can also be found in college dorms, Black barber shops, and suburban book clubs. The “average American” isn’t who it was in the 1950s. A diverse, young, and multiethnic United States made a statement this election.
At the same time, Trumpism is not vanquished. The structural challenges to our democracy, such as partisan gerrymandering, the Electoral College, and courts packed with ideological judges, remain. The fight for the soul of this nation continues, but there is a strong constituency for democracy and normalcy.
There is a lot more to say about individual races and broader trends. We will continue to follow the story of American democracy at Steady. For now, however, we can say that there is reason for hope and optimism about the future of this country. Maybe a fever is starting to break. There were Republicans who won last night who are trying to forge a different path forward for their party. We want to have elections between people who differ on policy, not on whether they believe in a constitutional republic based on the principles of freedom and democracy.
So we return to the notion of steady. We can breathe deep, take a moment to reflect on all that is good about our country, and continue the hard work of forging a more perfect union.
Note: If you are not already a subscriber to our Steady newsletter, please consider joining us. And we always appreciate you sharing our content with others and leaving your thoughts in the comments
Publish on Substack© 2022 Dan RatherSubstack is the home for great writing
_____________________________________SIGNATURE________________________________________________
Not today Sir, Probably not tomorrow.............................................. bayfront arena st. pete '94
you're finally here and I'm a mess................................................... nationwide arena columbus '10
memories like fingerprints are slowly raising.................................... first niagara center buffalo '13
another man ..... moved by sleight of hand...................................... joe louis arena detroit '140 -
Destroying Democracy
A former president attacks the Constitution
and Elliot Kirschner1 hr ago
The oath of office for the presidency of the United States is not very long and gets right to the point:
"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."
First, you say you’ll do the job. The second part is all about the document that underpins our democracy — the Constitution of the United States. Your duty as president is to “preserve, protect and defend” that document, and by so doing, the nation.
This language isn’t limited to the presidency. For example, this is the oath for military enlistees:
“I, (Name), do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; and that I will obey the orders of the President of the United States and the orders of the officers appointed over me, according to regulations and the Uniform Code of Military Justice. So help me God."
In this case, the Constitution is the subject of the first two clauses. Your job is to defend and bear allegiance to this document and what it represents, even at the risk of death. You will also obey orders issued by others — the president of the United States and officers in the military. It is no coincidence that they have also sworn an oath to the Constitution.
That’s because there is no United States without our Constitution.
It defines this nation as one ruled by laws and not by men. It delineates our rights. And it provides for us to change our government through peaceful transfers of power as we deem it appropriate.
That’s what happened in the election of 2020. And the loser of that election hates it. By extension, he hates our country and our laws for allowing his defeat to occur.
This isn’t speculation. He said it himself in a post on his social media channel a few days ago.
We quote verbatim (while recognizing the words have no basis in fact and have been disproven countless times):
“So, with the revelation of MASSIVE & WIDESPREAD FRAUD & DECEPTION in working closely with Big Tech Companies, the DNC, & the Democrat Party, do you throw the Presidential Election Results of 2020 OUT and declare the RIGHTFUL WINNER, or do you have a NEW ELECTION? A Massive Fraud of this type and magnitude allows for the termination of all rules, regulations, and articles, even those found in the Constitution. Our great ‘Founders’ did not want, and would not condone, False & Fraudulent Elections!”
Is this statement unhinged? Certainly. Is it full of lies, conspiracy theories, and a misplaced sense of victimhood? Of course. And if these were the harmless ravings of a man on a soapbox on a New York street corner, we could hustle by, trying not to make eye contact. But they’re not.
This is a former president. This is a man who still controls much of the Republican Party. This is a man who most Republican officials feel they cannot denounce publicly with any more force than one applies to a feather duster on a porcelain figurine.
Let’s go back to what he said — in his words. This man just publicly called for “the termination of all rules, regulations, and articles, even those found in the Constitution.”
Many in the press and pundit world worry that words like “fascism” and “autocracy” are too extreme to apply to American politics. Perhaps that was once the case, but there is also a danger in tiptoeing past the truth. Because what is being said here, with all the subtlety of a Harley revving through a yoga retreat, is that this man, who six years ago pledged an oath to defend the Constitution, now seeks to destroy it. This is the definition of autocracy. It is the seed of fascism.
There is a cruel irony that he invokes the Founding Fathers in his anti-democratic delirium. They wrote the Constitution as a check on men like him. Its protections, its separation of powers, its very spirit were meant to create a wall of stability holding back the kind of mob rule he seeks to unleash in his desperate graspings at absolute power.
This man is damaged goods — by definition, a loser. He lost the 2020 election. Most of his hand-picked candidates lost in this year’s midterms. And then there's his pathetic win-loss record in the courts. His nonsense about a stolen election was litigated and readily dismissed; judges tend to like arguments based on facts and evidence. And now, he is personally in all sorts of legal jeopardy, and he’s racking up losses there, as well.
He’s also being further damaged in the court of public opinion. There is the business of hanging out with antisemites. Turns out most Americans don’t like their leaders breaking bread with people like that. Even many in his party are now speaking out.
But if you listen to them carefully, notice their rhetorical two-steps. They may denounce the people he hangs out with and the worldview these people espouse, but few elected Republican officials or other party leaders take on the man himself with anything more than a frustrated tut-tut. When asked if they will support him in 2024, they talk about how there will be many other candidates to consider. Some even say they won’t be supporting him because he will likely lose.
All of this is fine, but it’s far from sufficient. It’s transactional.
It might matter for the Republican Party that he loses them elections, but what matters for America is that he wants to destroy the very foundation of our country. And it also matters to the country that many in his political party won’t come out and say it is wrong to call for the end of constitutional order. And why is that? Do they believe the lies of the former president? Some do. Most, however, are probably more worried that even tepid criticism might anger the base and cause them to lose future elections.
The political calculus is chilling. The political cowardice is reprehensible. You can wrap yourself in the American flag as much as you want, but if your values are not firmly rooted in the Constitution, you might as well be wearing the emperor’s clothes.
Who will have the courage to say what everyone can see?
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A Cyclone of Crazy
House Republicans try to choose a speaker
and Elliot Kirschner53 min ago
Will Kevin McCarthy become the next speaker of the House? (Photo by MANDEL NGAN/AFP via Getty Images)Hold on to your hats and sunglasses, folks. There’s a cyclone of crazy swirling among the Republican caucus in the House of Representatives. As they sit precariously perched on the precipice of a very narrow majority, we can expect more fireworks than on New Year’s Eve. And while this show promises to be just as loud, it’s likely to be a lot less pretty.
There was a time not that long ago (most of the last 100 years, give or take) when Republicans were considered the party of discipline and Democrats the party of “circular firing squads,” civil wars, or whatever other synonym for dysfunction was preferred. These stereotypes were unfair only insofar as they were a bit of an exaggeration, but they were based on some kernels of truth.
As far back as the 1920s and '30s, the humorist Will Rogers made a living commenting on Democratic disunity. He famously quipped, “I’m not a member of any organized political party … I’m a Democrat.” And “Democrats never agree on anything, that’s why they’re Democrats. If they agreed with each other, they’d be Republicans.” His quotes have been referenced time and again by political reporters in more recent decades, too.
We can point to a lot of reasons for the dysfunction. Democrats have become a "big tent" party, and big tents are held up with a lot of different poles. A bigger tent makes room for more religions, races, and social identities, which can bring competing ideologies but certainly different lived experiences and personal perspectives. Democrats are also more liberal and thus challenge the status quo, while conservatives try to preserve it.
We could go on and on — entire political science careers have focused on this issue — but we won’t. Because right now the narrative has flipped more dramatically than an O’Henry short story.
For several years running, Democrats in the House have been largely united in both the majority and the minority under the leadership of Nancy Pelosi. This cohesion has produced a stunning list of legislative accomplishments (and successful resistance to Republican presidential initiatives like privatization of Social Security). When Pelosi and other senior party leaders stepped down after the 2022 midterms, we might have expected a wild free-for-all for their replacements. But those elections contained about as much drama as the ones in North Korea.
Instead, it is the Republicans who are being pulled in multiple directions by a caucus wearing chaos as a badge of honor. At the time of this writing, it doesn’t seem that Kevin McCarthy has locked up the votes for speaker. Even if he gets there, he might have had to make so many concessions that his daily hold on leadership would be as tenuous as a candle flame in a hurricane. He has few votes to spare. That’s why his retaining the likes of George Santos, the man who lied about his entire resume and family history, is so important.
Stepping back from the machinations of House leadership, the battle McCarthy faces and embodies is a symptom of a more fundamental rot within the Republican Party. In the coverage of McCarthy’s winding path to speaker, most of what we hear about is power, not policy. For what does McCarthy stand? What does he want to do with the speakership? What about his supporters? And what about the band of Republican holdouts seeking to exact their pound of flesh?
For that matter, what legislation did the most recent Republican president want to pass with his power? What were his priorities other than a border wall and “owning the libs”? And what of those of Mitch McConnell and other Republican leaders in Congress? Tax cuts, for sure. And stacking the federal judiciary. The courts offer a way for Republicans to get the policies they want without having to legislate — from partisan gerrymandering to abortion bans to gutting environmental regulations.
Whatever one thinks about the Democrats’ agenda, one cannot deny that they like passing bills and want majorities in the House and Senate to do just that. Using the legislative branch to legislate: what a concept. Democrats have compromised with Republicans to get the votes they needed. They’ve even voted against their short-term political self-interest — as with Obamacare, when many Democrats in Congress supported a bill they knew was unpopular at the time and would be used against them in the upcoming elections.
You hear almost nothing about legislation from Republican representatives these days. It’s all about who is going to have the power and not how they want to use it to help the American people. We can expect investigations into the Biden administration for sure, along with dangerous games of chicken around the debt ceiling, aid to Ukraine, and other pressing issues. Even Newt Gingrich had his Contract with America. This crowd mostly has their Fox News auditions in mind.
Perhaps this is why Republicans are having such trouble with the speaker vote. Because when you stand for nothing other than the raw exercise of power, the only thing you’re voting on is power itself. And who wants to give that up?
The current fight over Republican House leadership may strike many Americans as boring, “inside the beltway” blather that in the great scheme of things doesn’t really amount to much. But it does, if you believe that our elected representatives in Washington should be deciding substantive policy issues to benefit the country and acting as responsible participants in our constitutional system of checks and balances.
As far removed as this dynamic may seem from the concerns of daily life, it matters. A lot. And there may be ample proof of that in the months and years to come.
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you're finally here and I'm a mess................................................... nationwide arena columbus '10
memories like fingerprints are slowly raising.................................... first niagara center buffalo '13
another man ..... moved by sleight of hand...................................... joe louis arena detroit '140 -
1694710
(Photo by Joe Raedle)When Donald Trump turned himself in for booking (and a mugshot and fingerprinting) in Atlanta, Georgia, for charges related to a conspiracy to steal the 2020 presidential election, it marked the latest chapter in a legal drama that has engulfed him and will shape the future of the nation in unknowable ways.
We — as a country, as a people — have never seen anything like this. But for all that is unprecedented in a former president (and current candidate for the office) facing dozens of federal and state criminal charges, there is also a lot that is familiar about the spinning wheels of justice.
The law is, by definition, governed by rules that dictate how those involved are permitted to act: prosecutors, law enforcement agencies, judges, defendants and their counsel, and so on. There are rules for evidence, rules for testimony, and rules for juries. There is a well-trodden process for booking defendants, setting trial dates, hearing pre-trial motions, and the trial itself.
Our courts are ideally places of rationality and decorum, where justice is free from intimidation and administered without bias. Of course, the judicial process is ultimately an exercise performed by human beings and thus shaped by our inherent frailties and shortcomings. The rules are intended to limit the outside forces of prejudice, terror, and street justice from influencing the workings of the court. And yet that sometimes proves impossible.
As the trials of Donald Trump unfold, it will be vital that the nation keeps its eyes on both the action taking place inside the courtroom and that outside it. Because even while Trump’s lawyers will be presenting legal arguments before judges and juries, you can bet the former president will be seeking to defend himself in ways that lie far outside the traditional boundaries of our legal system. He’s done this his entire life, especially during his time as president and after his defeat in 2020.
In the wake of that election, Trump’s lawyers pursued all possible legal avenues to challenge its result, and they lost, everywhere. But at the same time, Trump was summoning his supporters to steal the election. It is for these actions — phone calls, tweets, and exhorting the mob directly on January 6 — that he finds himself indicted in both federal and state court. Trump was eager to use whatever means he could — legal or otherwise — to destroy America’s constitutional order. To what lengths will he go when trying to keep himself out of prison?
As president, Trump always used speeches, interviews, phone calls (like the one pressuring Ukraine), and social media to whip up passions and serve his naked self-interest. He has shown no compunctions about embracing bullying, divisiveness, intimidation, lying, and even the threat of violence. This has long been the playbook of autocrats. But it has also been the approach of mobsters seeking to avoid the reach of the law.
It is portentous that Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis is using the RICO law to go after Trump and his co-defendants in their alleged plot to steal the election in Georgia. This has been a favorite approach of prosecutors to bring mafia kingpins to justice. In essence, Willis is saying that Trump’s election team had a lot in common with other kinds of criminal enterprises.
With this context in mind, we should consider the long and sordid history of crime figures and extremist political groups eschewing traditional legal defenses in favor of “extralegal” ones: intimidating witnesses, spreading lies to pollute the jury pool, and even resorting to violence against those seeking to hold them accountable. We have already seen credible threats against judges and others involved in the Trump case. And that leads to an important question: How much of this turmoil has been encouraged by Trump’s defiant and antagonistic lie-filled rhetoric?
With most criminal defendants, judges can threaten punishment like fines or jail time for the kinds of things Trump regularly says about law enforcement, members of the court, and witnesses. But in Trump’s case, they have to tread with care lest they turn him into even more of a martyr — a role he is eager to play. And there are also legitimate First Amendment considerations for a leading candidate for president. In his case, the legal and the political are inextricably intertwined.
Trump knows this and will eagerly push the boundaries of what he can get away with. He also knows he will almost assuredly have the backing of the Republican Party no matter what he does. Just look at all those who raised their hands on the debate stage to say they will support him as their party’s nominee even if he is convicted. It’s craven. And it’s dangerous.
Violence against the rule of law and violence against a peaceful political process are two sides of the same coin. They have combined at some of the most dire moments in the history of our nation. In a recent column in The New York Times, Anthony Michael Kreis, assistant professor of law at Georgia State University, noted the historical context of Reconstruction after the Civil War — including in Georgia — for Trump’s fourth indictment.
The democratic failures of that era shared three common attributes. The political process was neither free nor fair, as citizens were prevented from voting and lawful votes were discounted. The Southern Redeemers refused to recognize their opponents as legitimate electoral players. And conservatives abandoned the rule of law, engaging in intimidation and political violence to extinguish the power of multiracial political coalitions.
At bottom, the theory behind the Fulton County indictment accuses Mr. Trump and his allies of some of these same offenses.
Kreis succinctly states:
When authoritarians attack democracy and lawbreakers are allowed to walk away from those attacks with impunity, they will try again, believing there are no repercussions.
We should not make those mistakes again.
As we reckon with the uncertainty and the peril of our moment, we can recall the words of James “Jem” Coughlin in the Irish mob film “The Town.” Says Jem, “If we get jammed up, we’re holding court in the street.” Trump already showed us he feels the same way.
Trump has a long history of winning court cases through bullying and the use of extralegal techniques. The least we can do is to be alert for them, recognize them for what they are, and stay determined that the verdict on him — whatever it may be — will be decided inside courtrooms, not by a power play outside them.
In a democratic republic, governed by the rule of law, we cannot allow extralegal methods, for anyone. And least of all for a would-be autocrat desperate to return to power and escape accountability for his actions.
© 2023 Dan Rather
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Not today Sir, Probably not tomorrow.............................................. bayfront arena st. pete '94
you're finally here and I'm a mess................................................... nationwide arena columbus '10
memories like fingerprints are slowly raising.................................... first niagara center buffalo '13
another man ..... moved by sleight of hand...................................... joe louis arena detroit '140 -
mickeyrat said:1694710(Photo by Joe Raedle)
When Donald Trump turned himself in for booking (and a mugshot and fingerprinting) in Atlanta, Georgia, for charges related to a conspiracy to steal the 2020 presidential election, it marked the latest chapter in a legal drama that has engulfed him and will shape the future of the nation in unknowable ways.
We — as a country, as a people — have never seen anything like this. But for all that is unprecedented in a former president (and current candidate for the office) facing dozens of federal and state criminal charges, there is also a lot that is familiar about the spinning wheels of justice.
The law is, by definition, governed by rules that dictate how those involved are permitted to act: prosecutors, law enforcement agencies, judges, defendants and their counsel, and so on. There are rules for evidence, rules for testimony, and rules for juries. There is a well-trodden process for booking defendants, setting trial dates, hearing pre-trial motions, and the trial itself.
Our courts are ideally places of rationality and decorum, where justice is free from intimidation and administered without bias. Of course, the judicial process is ultimately an exercise performed by human beings and thus shaped by our inherent frailties and shortcomings. The rules are intended to limit the outside forces of prejudice, terror, and street justice from influencing the workings of the court. And yet that sometimes proves impossible.
As the trials of Donald Trump unfold, it will be vital that the nation keeps its eyes on both the action taking place inside the courtroom and that outside it. Because even while Trump’s lawyers will be presenting legal arguments before judges and juries, you can bet the former president will be seeking to defend himself in ways that lie far outside the traditional boundaries of our legal system. He’s done this his entire life, especially during his time as president and after his defeat in 2020.
In the wake of that election, Trump’s lawyers pursued all possible legal avenues to challenge its result, and they lost, everywhere. But at the same time, Trump was summoning his supporters to steal the election. It is for these actions — phone calls, tweets, and exhorting the mob directly on January 6 — that he finds himself indicted in both federal and state court. Trump was eager to use whatever means he could — legal or otherwise — to destroy America’s constitutional order. To what lengths will he go when trying to keep himself out of prison?
As president, Trump always used speeches, interviews, phone calls (like the one pressuring Ukraine), and social media to whip up passions and serve his naked self-interest. He has shown no compunctions about embracing bullying, divisiveness, intimidation, lying, and even the threat of violence. This has long been the playbook of autocrats. But it has also been the approach of mobsters seeking to avoid the reach of the law.
It is portentous that Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis is using the RICO law to go after Trump and his co-defendants in their alleged plot to steal the election in Georgia. This has been a favorite approach of prosecutors to bring mafia kingpins to justice. In essence, Willis is saying that Trump’s election team had a lot in common with other kinds of criminal enterprises.
With this context in mind, we should consider the long and sordid history of crime figures and extremist political groups eschewing traditional legal defenses in favor of “extralegal” ones: intimidating witnesses, spreading lies to pollute the jury pool, and even resorting to violence against those seeking to hold them accountable. We have already seen credible threats against judges and others involved in the Trump case. And that leads to an important question: How much of this turmoil has been encouraged by Trump’s defiant and antagonistic lie-filled rhetoric?
With most criminal defendants, judges can threaten punishment like fines or jail time for the kinds of things Trump regularly says about law enforcement, members of the court, and witnesses. But in Trump’s case, they have to tread with care lest they turn him into even more of a martyr — a role he is eager to play. And there are also legitimate First Amendment considerations for a leading candidate for president. In his case, the legal and the political are inextricably intertwined.
Trump knows this and will eagerly push the boundaries of what he can get away with. He also knows he will almost assuredly have the backing of the Republican Party no matter what he does. Just look at all those who raised their hands on the debate stage to say they will support him as their party’s nominee even if he is convicted. It’s craven. And it’s dangerous.
Violence against the rule of law and violence against a peaceful political process are two sides of the same coin. They have combined at some of the most dire moments in the history of our nation. In a recent column in The New York Times, Anthony Michael Kreis, assistant professor of law at Georgia State University, noted the historical context of Reconstruction after the Civil War — including in Georgia — for Trump’s fourth indictment.
The democratic failures of that era shared three common attributes. The political process was neither free nor fair, as citizens were prevented from voting and lawful votes were discounted. The Southern Redeemers refused to recognize their opponents as legitimate electoral players. And conservatives abandoned the rule of law, engaging in intimidation and political violence to extinguish the power of multiracial political coalitions.
At bottom, the theory behind the Fulton County indictment accuses Mr. Trump and his allies of some of these same offenses.
Kreis succinctly states:
When authoritarians attack democracy and lawbreakers are allowed to walk away from those attacks with impunity, they will try again, believing there are no repercussions.
We should not make those mistakes again.
As we reckon with the uncertainty and the peril of our moment, we can recall the words of James “Jem” Coughlin in the Irish mob film “The Town.” Says Jem, “If we get jammed up, we’re holding court in the street.” Trump already showed us he feels the same way.
Trump has a long history of winning court cases through bullying and the use of extralegal techniques. The least we can do is to be alert for them, recognize them for what they are, and stay determined that the verdict on him — whatever it may be — will be decided inside courtrooms, not by a power play outside them.
In a democratic republic, governed by the rule of law, we cannot allow extralegal methods, for anyone. And least of all for a would-be autocrat desperate to return to power and escape accountability for his actions.
© 2023 Dan Rather
Excellent essay, thanks!
"It's a sad and beautiful world"-Roberto Benigni0 -
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(Credit: Boris Zhitkov)This week once again taught an important lesson to anyone who would listen: There are two kinds of polls.
There are the polls sponsored by media outlets and universities that come with margins of error, crosstabs, and deep debates over methodology. These are the ones that dominate the talking head panels on cable news (and Democratic doom scrolling).
Then there are the polls where voters actually cast ballots and elect representatives or pass ballot measures.
Guess which one counts a heckuva lot more.
In the first kind of polls, particularly a recent one by The New York Times that showed President Biden trailing Trump in key battleground states, the Democrats and their incumbent party leader are in a world of hurt.
The second kind of polls, the ones to which the voters traipse on Election Day (or vote absentee), have tended to paint a different picture. Starting with the midterms in 2022, through a slew of special elections, and now with votes in multiple states last night, the Democrats are outperforming expectations (at least the ones set from the first kinds of polls).
That’s election after election of actual data.
What’s going on?
It’s hard to tell exactly. It’s not like opinion polls showing very low approval ratings for President Biden and ominous signs for Democrats generally are outliers. Poll after poll shows these things. As do focus groups with voters. There seems to be a lot of dissatisfaction about how things are going in the country. There is angst over high prices, discontent about a broken system at the border, fretting over crime and world affairs. As for Biden, people say they are concerned about his age and his ability to handle everything else that worries them.
The president’s supporters are a bit apoplectic. They argue, with considerable justification from the actual data, that the United States economy is brimming with success, especially when compared to other parts of the world. Millions of new jobs have been created. There have been huge wins for labor, and economic growth has been robust. As for other Biden accomplishments, his backers note that he passed the largest climate bill in American history, and it is already paying dividends; he has appointed an inspiring and diverse set of new federal judges; and he has rebuilt America’s standing on the world stage and rallied allies around crises in Ukraine, the Middle East, and elsewhere.
All of that may be true, but even successful presidencies come with caveats and complexities. Making policy is about making choices and compromises. You are bound to disappoint or alienate someone. And often, setting a nation up for long-term success, as President Biden argues he is doing, does not translate to visible wins in the short term.
Indications abound that, fair or not, there is unease and perhaps widespread dissatisfaction in the electorate. And that usually bodes poorly for the party that holds the presidency.
It’s a pretty tidy narrative with a lot of historical precedent. It is also a narrative that has crashed into a wall of reality when it comes to actual voters.
Remember all the talk about the “red wave” going into the 2022 midterm elections? We all saw that the only wave that happened was waving goodbye to the heady expectations of Republicans. And then last night. After days of doom and gloom for Democrats fretting over scary poll numbers, more banner election outcomes in numerous states.
One of the big successes came in Ohio, where voters in what has become a solidly red state overwhelmingly enshrined a right to abortion in the state constitution (they also legalized marijuana while they were at it). Abortion was a major part of Kentucky Democratic Governor Andy Beshear’s successful reelection campaign, too. Democrats in race after race highlighted the issue. And it proved to be a big winner.
The momentum that abortion has provided in shaping the American electorate doesn’t seem to have dissipated in the nearly 18 months since the Supreme Court struck down Roe v. Wade. And it now appears this may continue into the 2024 election. And as long as this is the case, it will be a strong wind at the back of Democratic candidates.
There are still a lot of notes for caution or even concern for President Biden and his party heading into 2024. World events are unstable, and what is taking place in the Middle East is especially straining the Democrats’ coalition. Some election analysts also contend that there are some voters who come out only when Trump is on the ballot. And certainly Democrats remember the lessons of what happened in 2016. And finally, the issue that started this column — President Biden is not especially popular (whether or not that is fair).
There are also a lot of unknowns between now and Election Day 2024, which is just under a year away. One big factor is what is going to happen to President Biden’s likely opponent, the most famous criminal defendant in America. Will he be a convicted felon come November? And will that matter?
There is no place for complacency for Democrats. But any Democrats who are worrying about all the troubling poll numbers should also take some solace in the message coming from the only polls that really matter.
1,264254759© 2023 Dan RatherSubstack is the home for great writing
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Hello to the Steady community. First, I want to thank you for your passionate engagement. Comments on our last post, “One Man,” were prolific — some of the most ever for a Steady post. Naturally, I encourage more. While most comments were positive, a few of you asked why we chose to give so much copy to former President Trump’s failures rather than highlight President Biden’s accomplishments.
In response, please allow me to say that we never take the position that we are right all of the time. We make mistakes. Journalism is a humbling craft. With that always in mind, we do the best we can.
But please know that any presidential candidate facing 91 felony indictments is going to get a lot of my attention. To ignore his behavior is to normalize it.
That being said, it’s no secret that President Biden has struggled to gain traction for his political and legislative accomplishments. To understand why, let’s start at the very beginning.
The transition from one presidential administration to another is often judged by what kind of country the outgoing president leaves for his successor. When President Obama left office in January 2017, he handed incoming President Trump the reins of a country with a thriving economy. Four years later, President Biden took over a country whose economy was in questionable if not outright dangerous condition. By any reasonable analysis, America overall was in the worst shape it had been in for generations: economically, physically and psychologically. Yes, we were coming out of a pandemic, but one that Trump exacerbated by gross mismanagement, making President Biden’s job even harder.
From day one, Biden was behind. But unlike Trump, he had a plan, an agenda that was more than simply undoing his predecessor’s policies. Biden is an old-school Democratic politician who believes it is the government’s job to help Americans. He isn’t flashy, and neither are his policy initiatives. But many have gotten the job done. For example, you probably don’t know about the thousands of infrastructure projects launched in the last three years that are currently rebuilding America. Clean water and road repair often don’t get the attention they deserve.
In January 2021, unemployment was at 6.4% — almost double what it is today. The employment rate was a paltry 57.4%, lower than during the recession of 2008. Consumption of goods and services was way down across the board. Yes, gas prices were low, but any Econ 101 student knows that is because demand was down during the pandemic. Few of us could go anywhere. Trump, of course, took credit for this slight positive and blamed Biden for the rise in gasoline prices when people started driving and flying again. Many economists say the subsequent surge in gas prices was made worse by a Trump-brokered deal to cut production during the pandemic. Then demand returned, and production couldn’t get going fast enough.
By any measure, Biden’s first two years in office were some of the most productive in half a century. He guided the country out of a debilitating pandemic by funding testing, treatment, and a coordinated vaccination plan. He got the last U.S. troops out of Afghanistan. (That should and could have been done less chaotically. But at least it got done.) He passed massive spending bills that have transformed the social safety net: bringing down inflation, fixing the country’s crumbling infrastructure, getting back on track to curtail climate change, and forgiving student loan debt. He reauthorized the Violence Against Women Act and even got (very) modest gun reform through Congress.
Admittedly, the second half of his term has not been as productive. That is in large part because he has been stymied by a fractured, Republican-led (I use that term loosely) House of Representatives. But the work he was able to do during the first two years has paid off. The recession so many were predicting hasn’t come to pass. Instead, the economy is booming, driven by high consumer spending. According to The Washington Post, “Government policy played an important role in supporting the economy last year. The Biden administration’s efforts to fund new infrastructure and clean energy projects have created new jobs and spurred $640 billion in private investments around the country.” The child poverty rate is down. Inflation is in check.
We return to the question: Why isn’t Biden getting more credit, or any at all? Why do polls show that many Americans don’t know about his successes, and when told, are angry they didn’t know?
One reason is that grocery prices and the cost of home buying, about which people are reminded daily, remain high. Another is that immigration remains a high-profile, dangerous mess, and Biden has been ineffective in dealing with it.
But it is also true that we live in a clickbait, “gotcha” world where screaming and riling people up has become the norm, the expectation. Trump is cash money for media companies. Anyone who tells you otherwise is lying. And good old-fashioned governing isn’t as interesting to audiences. It doesn’t break through the noise — and there is a lot of noise. All of which helps Trump and hurts Biden.
None of this necessarily means Biden’s reelection chances are doomed. There is still a long way to go, and much is unpredictable. What we’ve tried to do with this post is perhaps add a little perspective about the campaign to this point.
Here at Steady, we hope we can help keep the conversation going about what is real and what is bluster.
Please feel free to join in the conversation below.
The Steady newsletter is supported by the Steady community. Please consider subscribing if you aren’t already a member.
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It’s difficult to tell who was more surprised by President Biden’s State of the Union performance Thursday night: Democrats in the chamber, whose emotions ranged from relieved to almost giddy. Or Republicans, who have been selling the president as doddering, decrepit, and unfit, watching that narrative evaporate. In what was perhaps the most important speech of his political career, Biden showed he was not just alive and well, but up to the challenge of a second term.
Sure, the health of either candidate could change, but for at least this political moment, President Biden came across as hale, fit, and ready.
For those watching at home, it was a chance to counter an image perpetrated by Republicans and many in the media that the president is not mentally or physically qualified for a second term. For those who hadn’t seen Biden speak in a while, or only on social media clips designed to make him look old, it was a first-rate oration, in both tone and substance.
For the 60-plus minute speech, Biden was focused, sharp, energetic, and at times funny. He was even willing to engage Republicans who heckled him — a moment he handled deftly, despite being nudged off script. House Speaker Mike Johnson had privately asked for decorum from his colleagues. He didn’t get it. Instead, several Republicans verbally taunted the president, including Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, who showed up in Trump campaign garb.
At the beginning of the speech, when the television audience was at its largest, Biden took dead aim at his opponent without ever mentioning his name. He hammered home what a second Trump administration would mean to democracy.
“My purpose tonight is to wake up the Congress and alert the American people that this is no ordinary moment either. Not since President Lincoln and the Civil War have freedom and democracy been under assault at home as they are today.”
Biden also called out his opponent for cozying up to the Russians.
“Wasn’t long ago when a Republican president named Ronald Reagan thundered, ‘Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.’ Now … now my predecessor, a former Republican president, tells Putin, quote, ‘Do whatever the hell you want.’ That’s a quote. A former president actually said that, bowing down to a Russian leader. I think it’s outrageous, it’s dangerous, and it’s unacceptable.”
You know what else many people found to be outrageous? The reaction of Republicans who sat on their hands when Biden spoke those words. Or maybe you think it’s not that surprising.
There is no doubt this was a campaign speech wrapped up as a State of the Union address. Biden was criticized by the right for politicizing it. But as we have written before, we are living in a time when nearly everything seems political.
Biden is a natural, highly experienced campaigner, and he seemed to revel in the moment. And the public responded. The president’s campaign reported the speech accounted for the largest fundraising haul since Biden declared he was running for reelection.
“I know I may not look like it, but I’ve been around a while. And when you get to my age, certain things become clearer than ever before. My lifetime has taught me to embrace freedom and democracy. A future based on the core values that have defined America: Honesty. Decency. Dignity. Equality. To respect everyone. To give everyone a fair shot. To give hate no safe harbor."
A post-speech flash poll by CNN found a sizable shift in the electorate. After the address, 62 percent of people polled said Biden’s policies will move the country in the right direction. Prior to the speech, that number was just 45 percent.
A caveat, please: I have watched at least the last 60 State of the Union addresses. Their impact on the public consciousness is often short-lived. How this will apply to the oldest presidential candidate in history defying expectations, we shall see.
On Friday, Biden was back on the campaign trail in Pennsylvania with more positive economic news to emphasize. The U.S. added 275,000 jobs in February. The Biden campaign, which has a lot more cash on hand than Trump, announced a big ad buy, $30 million, in swing states.
Speaking of money, today, Lara Trump, daughter-in-law of the former president, was elected co-chair of the Republican National Committee. The former president, who currently owes almost half a billion dollars in legal judgments and more in ensuing legal fees, has been using donor money from the RNC to pay his battalion of lawyers. On Friday, Trump posted a $91.6 million bond to appeal the judgment in the case of E. Jean Carroll, the woman he was found to have sexually abused and then defamed.
With that in mind, one line from last night’s speech seemed to be meant for an audience of one. “You can’t love your country only when you win.”
Democrats would love for this president to earn the title “Fighting Joe Biden.” To fully earn that he must come from behind and win in November.
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Credit: Getty ImagesIt’s difficult to tell who was more surprised by President Biden’s State of the Union performance Thursday night: Democrats in the chamber, whose emotions ranged from relieved to almost giddy. Or Republicans, who have been selling the president as doddering, decrepit, and unfit, watching that narrative evaporate. In what was perhaps the most important speech of his political career, Biden showed he was not just alive and well, but up to the challenge of a second term.
Sure, the health of either candidate could change, but for at least this political moment, President Biden came across as hale, fit, and ready.
For those watching at home, it was a chance to counter an image perpetrated by Republicans and many in the media that the president is not mentally or physically qualified for a second term. For those who hadn’t seen Biden speak in a while, or only on social media clips designed to make him look old, it was a first-rate oration, in both tone and substance.
For the 60-plus minute speech, Biden was focused, sharp, energetic, and at times funny. He was even willing to engage Republicans who heckled him — a moment he handled deftly, despite being nudged off script. House Speaker Mike Johnson had privately asked for decorum from his colleagues. He didn’t get it. Instead, several Republicans verbally taunted the president, including Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, who showed up in Trump campaign garb.
At the beginning of the speech, when the television audience was at its largest, Biden took dead aim at his opponent without ever mentioning his name. He hammered home what a second Trump administration would mean to democracy.
“My purpose tonight is to wake up the Congress and alert the American people that this is no ordinary moment either. Not since President Lincoln and the Civil War have freedom and democracy been under assault at home as they are today.”
Biden also called out his opponent for cozying up to the Russians.
“Wasn’t long ago when a Republican president named Ronald Reagan thundered, ‘Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.’ Now … now my predecessor, a former Republican president, tells Putin, quote, ‘Do whatever the hell you want.’ That’s a quote. A former president actually said that, bowing down to a Russian leader. I think it’s outrageous, it’s dangerous, and it’s unacceptable.”
You know what else many people found to be outrageous? The reaction of Republicans who sat on their hands when Biden spoke those words. Or maybe you think it’s not that surprising.
There is no doubt this was a campaign speech wrapped up as a State of the Union address. Biden was criticized by the right for politicizing it. But as we have written before, we are living in a time when nearly everything seems political.
Biden is a natural, highly experienced campaigner, and he seemed to revel in the moment. And the public responded. The president’s campaign reported the speech accounted for the largest fundraising haul since Biden declared he was running for reelection.
“I know I may not look like it, but I’ve been around a while. And when you get to my age, certain things become clearer than ever before. My lifetime has taught me to embrace freedom and democracy. A future based on the core values that have defined America: Honesty. Decency. Dignity. Equality. To respect everyone. To give everyone a fair shot. To give hate no safe harbor."
A post-speech flash poll by CNN found a sizable shift in the electorate. After the address, 62 percent of people polled said Biden’s policies will move the country in the right direction. Prior to the speech, that number was just 45 percent.
A caveat, please: I have watched at least the last 60 State of the Union addresses. Their impact on the public consciousness is often short-lived. How this will apply to the oldest presidential candidate in history defying expectations, we shall see.
On Friday, Biden was back on the campaign trail in Pennsylvania with more positive economic news to emphasize. The U.S. added 275,000 jobs in February. The Biden campaign, which has a lot more cash on hand than Trump, announced a big ad buy, $30 million, in swing states.
Speaking of money, today, Lara Trump, daughter-in-law of the former president, was elected co-chair of the Republican National Committee. The former president, who currently owes almost half a billion dollars in legal judgments and more in ensuing legal fees, has been using donor money from the RNC to pay his battalion of lawyers. On Friday, Trump posted a $91.6 million bond to appeal the judgment in the case of E. Jean Carroll, the woman he was found to have sexually abused and then defamed.
With that in mind, one line from last night’s speech seemed to be meant for an audience of one. “You can’t love your country only when you win.”
Democrats would love for this president to earn the title “Fighting Joe Biden.” To fully earn that he must come from behind and win in November.
To support my team’s efforts to protect our democracy through the power of independent journalism, please consider joining as a paid subscriber. It keeps Steady sustainable and available to all.
No matter how you subscribe, I thank you for reading.
© 2024 Dan Rather
3939 Bee Cave Rd., Bldg. C-100, Austin, Texas 78746
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Credit: Getty Images
Donald Trump, the self-proclaimed billionaire, cannot secure a bond to cover a $454 million judgment against him. This could mean the seizure of any number of his properties as soon as next week.
One can imagine how humiliating this is for the Republican frontrunner, a man who wears his net worth on his sleeve and whose self-worth is intrinsically tied to money.
Trump is appealing the February 16 judgment against him for lying about and inflating the value of his properties to lenders and insurance companies. He must either give the full amount to the court to be held in escrow or get a bond. In a filing with the New York appellate court today, his attorneys admitted Trump faces “insurmountable difficulties” in obtaining the bond. A whopping 30 surety companies have rejected his requests. The lawyers described his chances of success as “a practical impossibility.”
The appellate court has been asked to pause the judgment or significantly reduce it to $100 million. If it fails to rule by March 25, New York State Attorney General Letitia James can start seizing Trump’s properties immediately.
You may wonder why Trump does not just use his vast real estate holdings, like Trump Tower and Mar-a-Lago, as collateral. Bond companies prefer more liquid assets, like securities, of which he does not have enough — especially for a bond of this size. And it’s not only $454 million. If he could get the bond, it would be 120% of the $454 million plus 2% interest for two years upfront, so closer to $600 million.
This is on top of the $91.6 million bond he was able to secure to cover the judgment in the E. Jean Carroll defamation case, which he is also appealing.
It wasn’t the only bad news he got today.
For the first time in more than six months, presidential tracking polls show President Biden and Trump in a dead heat. Trump had been leading since September.
Credit: The Economist, March 18, 2024
So why the sudden Biden surge? The easiest explanation may be that “crazy” is finally catching up to Trump.
Since he spends most of the workweek defending himself in courts around the country, Trump’s campaigning has been limited to weekend rallies. Saturday night found him in Ohio, where he spewed this doozy: “Now if I don’t get elected, it’s going to be a bloodbath for the whole — that’s gonna be the least of it. It’s going to be a bloodbath for the country.” He seemed to have gone off script, as he had just been talking about Chinese competition in the car industry.
He also now calls the January 6 insurrectionists who are currently serving prison time “hostages.” And he said he would pardon all of them on day one of his second term. Imagine hundreds of convicted insurrectionists suddenly being freed. A group of Americans polled by CBS News didn’t think much of the idea. The electorate doesn’t embrace the former president's approval of political violence and those who perpetrate it.
Sixty-two percent of all voters oppose the pardons, according to a CBS News poll. A Data for Progress poll shows that 57% of independents are less likely to vote for a candidate who approves of the January 6 attacks. Even a majority of self-described MAGA Republicans — 57% — don’t support the conduct of the rioters, according to CBS News.
Now, once you have read and perhaps mentally digested all of the above, it’s time to evoke our mantra: steady. Polls are at most simply a moment’s snapshot of how people say they are thinking. It’s usually a mistake to make too much of them.
Trump’s money problems appear to be real, and that’s not a good sign for him. But court delays and loans could grant him some relief yet. And who knows how that will affect the election, if at all.
Trump looks politically weaker right now, but that is not necessarily a permanent condition. With the election still months away, we need to remind ourselves that everyone who cares about the country needs to pay attention and get involved. Politics is incremental, and electorates are fickle. Though President Biden will need more to win, momentum appears to have moved in his direction, at least for the moment.
If you support independent journalism bringing you critical information to protect our democracy, please consider upgrading as a supporting member. It allows me to keep Steady sustainable and free for those who cannot afford it, especially in an election season where we need everyone to see it. Thank you.
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Who’s Minding Musk?
Nobody, and that’s a problem
DAN RATHER AND TEAM STEADY
AUG 5
READ IN APP
Credit: Getty Images
Imagine having the ability to instantly lob information, true or not, to millions of people across the globe. Elon Musk, the owner of X (formerly known as Twitter), has that ability. One would hope that with that power would come responsibility. In a perfect world, the owners of social media companies would be fair-minded and objective. Alas.
For all the talk of social media reform after 2016 and the Facebook fiasco when misinformation ran rampant across that platform, it now appears that Musk has decided not only to support the Republican candidate for president but to personally help spread misinformation about voting and the election.
Plus, in 2024, Musk has more powerful tools than Facebook ever imagined eight years ago. Artificial intelligence is coming into its own, and the dangers it presents to our democracy are profound.
Musk has recently released an AI chatbot, which, if you don’t know, is basically a computer that can simulate a human conversation. Musk named his Grok, and within hours of President Biden bowing out of the race, it created a post that read: “The ballot deadline has passed for several states for the 2024 election,” naming nine states: Alabama, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, New Mexico, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Texas, and Washington. The message suggested that Kamala Harris had missed the filing deadline to get on the ballot in those states.
This is 100% false and was shared with millions of users on X.
Secretaries of state in five of the nine states have written a letter to Musk urging him to “immediately implement changes” to Grok. I’m not holding my breath.
When Grok was launched late last year, Musk called it the anti-“woke” chatbot — his characterization. He said he wanted the AI search assistant to “answer spicy questions that are rejected by most other AI systems.” Those other AI systems, powered by OpenAI, Google, and Microsoft, are specifically designed to avoid controversial topics.
But it’s not just Grok that is pushing out lies. Musk himself reposted a manipulated version of Harris’s first campaign video. It featured an altered voice track that sounds just like Harris. In it “she” says she didn’t “know the first thing about running the country” and that she is the “ultimate diversity hire.” Musk tagged the video as “amazing” and didn’t include a disclaimer. His post has garnered 135 million views, so far. It has not been taken down.
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Talk about strange bedfellows. Over the years, there has been no love lost between Musk and Donald Trump. As recently as May, Trump was a vociferous and vocal proponent of the oil and gas industry. Remember the Mar-a-Lago get-together where he promised to end Biden’s green energy initiatives, including his electric vehicle policies, in exchange for $1 billion in campaign contributions?
Apparently Musk and Trump have mended some pretty tall fences. For his part, Musk has promised lots of cash to the pro-Trump America PAC. Maybe Trump didn’t get what he asked for from his oil and gas friends.
In exchange, Trump now thinks electric vehicles are “incredible.” What a shocker. At a rally in Georgia on Sunday, Trump told his supporters, “I’m for electric cars. I have to be because, you know, Elon endorsed me very strongly. So, I have no choice.”
The Musk-backed America PAC is already helping Trump in swing states. The PAC’s website is tricking people into sharing personal data. The site promises to help people register to vote, but when a user enters a zip code in a battleground state, after also giving their name and phone number, they are directed to a page that says “thank you.” They are then asked to “complete the form below.” But there is no form. And there is no redirection to a voter registration site.
The Michigan secretary of state is investigating Musk and the PAC. “Every citizen should know exactly how their personal information is being used by PACs, especially if an entity is claiming it will help people register to vote in Michigan or any other state,” a spokeswoman for the secretary of state’s office said.
In 2022, President Barack Obama gave a speech at Stanford University about the dangers of artificial intelligence, foreseeing that “regulation has to be part of the answer” to combating online disinformation. His closing thought is a reminder that AI can be a help as well as a hindrance — but that it can’t exist in a vacuum.
“The internet is a tool. Social media is a tool. At the end of the day, tools don’t control us. We control them. And we can remake them. It’s up to each of us to decide what we value and then use the tools we’ve been given to advance those values,” Obama said.
For all intents and purposes, social media has become our town square — but unlike most communities, it has no sheriff, and it very much needs one. In his or her absence it is up to us, social media’s users, to be wary consumers.
Support from our community makes this Substack possible. If you have the means, please consider becoming a paid subscriber. This makes it possible to keep Steady accessible for all to read, no matter their financial circumstances. Thank you.
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Not today Sir, Probably not tomorrow.............................................. bayfront arena st. pete '94
you're finally here and I'm a mess................................................... nationwide arena columbus '10
memories like fingerprints are slowly raising.................................... first niagara center buffalo '13
another man ..... moved by sleight of hand...................................... joe louis arena detroit '140 -
^^^ another great article from Dan Rather!The Unholy Trinity, Trump/Vance/Musk
"It's a sad and beautiful world"-Roberto Benigni0 -
Also, Dan's letter today is a reminder to my why I do not support X and definitely why I will never have a Tesla.
"It's a sad and beautiful world"-Roberto Benigni0 -
Thank you, Dan Rather!
"It's a sad and beautiful world"-Roberto Benigni0 -
Please read this and then if any of you out there still do, tell me you support TrumpOn second thought, don't bother.Thank you, Dan Rather!
"It's a sad and beautiful world"-Roberto Benigni0 -
Trump’s Most Dangerous Move Yet?
Politicizing the military
Dan Rather and Team Steady
Feb 25
Donald Trump has abruptly fired several high-ranking members of the U.S. military command. And his new, personally loyal secretary of defense promises a culture shift for the armed forces, with politics at its core. This is among Trump’s most reckless decisions to date, if not THE most. And that’s saying something, given his second term so far.
Not to minimize the firing of thousands of government employees, including people who were working to keep bird flu from spreading to humans and those who were ensuring the country’s nuclear weapons are kept safe, etc., etc. All of this reeks of authoritarianism, with a capital A.
If you’re looking for a legitimate reason for the firings, good luck. Here’s the bottom line: Trump purged the U.S. military leadership of officers he believes are loyal to the Constitution, instead of to him personally. This is a very big deal, with short- and long- term consequences for America’s defense.
Beginning last Friday, Trump fired the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General CQ Brown Jr. The dubious firings continued with five additional high-level terminations, including the Navy’s top admiral and the Air Force vice chief of staff. Trump’s endgame has become blatantly obvious across the executive branch and the military: be unblinkingly loyal to me or be fired.
The top U.S. military leadership is nonpartisan by design. Traditionally, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs, the country’s most senior military position, serves a four-year term that straddles administrations. Brown was appointed by President Biden in 2023, after Trump nominated him in 2020 to be the Air Force chief of staff.
Though no reason was given for Brown’s ouster, he has been criticized by some Republicans for being too “woke” because of his commitment to diversity, equity, and inclusion programs. New Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth suggested in his book The War on Warriors that Brown, a four-star general with four decades of service and experience, got his many promotions because of his race. General Brown is Black.
Brown’s replacement, General Dan Caine, is a retired three-star general whom Trump met in Iraq in 2018. In an oft-told story, Trump recounts that Caine put on a red MAGA baseball cap while in uniform and said, “I love you, sir. I think you’re great, sir. I’ll kill for you, sir.”
If the story is true, and that’s a big if — former National Security Adviser John Bolton, who was on the trip, said it never happened — Caine’s quote is disqualifying. So is wearing the hat.
Next on Trump’s hit list were the Judge Advocates General (JAG). JAGs are the Army, Navy, and Air Force’s top lawyers. They are the backstop for the military, someone to tell commanders that a certain president is about to do something illegal.
You may remember former Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, from Trump’s first term. Esper has said Trump asked if the U.S. military could shoot civilians who protested George Floyd’s murder. According to Esper, Trump asked then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs General Mark Milley, “Can’t you just shoot them, shoot them in the legs or something?”
Esper and Milley told the president no. Who will tell him no next time?
Senator Jack Reed, who is the ranking Democrat on the Senate Armed Services Committee and a former Army major, appeared on ABC’s “This Week” to discuss the terminations.
“What was also startling in the weekend was firing all the advocate generals of the armed forces. If you’re going to break the law, the first thing you do is you get rid of the lawyers. So we’re looking at a very dangerous undermining of the values of our military,” Reed said.
Amy McGrath, a former Marine fighter pilot who ran for Senate in 2020, took to social media to explain the move. “Here’s what is going on. When you start firing the military’s top lawyers, that means you are getting ready to order the military to do unlawful things. Trump replaces those JAGs with men who will justify any future unlawful and unethical actions that he wants the military to do.”
Hegseth has done nothing to dispel these suppositions. The firing of the JAG corps was about making sure they “don’t exist to be roadblocks to anything that happens,” Hegseth said on Fox. That’s not saying the quiet part out loud. That’s admitting the likely illegal part on national television.
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David Frum, a former speechwriter for President George W. Bush, raised the alarm on Bluesky. “Trump tried a seizure of power in 2021. It didn’t work, because he relied only on a violent mob. The military and FBI stayed loyal to the Constitution. This time, with approval of the Republican Senate, Trump has installed anti-constitutional putschists at FBI, DoD, and Pentagon.”
Don’t worry if you don’t know what a putschist is — I had to look it up. According to the Cambridge Dictionary, a putschist is a person who believes that a government should be removed by force.
Democratic Party attorney Mark Elias echoed Frum’s warning. “Now that Trump has captured the intelligence services, the Justice Department, and the FBI, the military is the last piece he needs to establish the foundations for authoritarian control of the U.S. government.”
All of this on the heels of Elon Musk’s dismantling of two agencies crucial to supporting and promoting democracy around the world: the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).
NED was created by President Ronald Reagan in 1983. Republicans in Congress have supported the NGO, and many have served on its board. According to its website, NED “has remained on the leading edge of democratic struggles everywhere, while evolving into a multifaceted institution that is a hub of activity, resources, and intellectual exchange for activists, practitioners and scholars of democracy the world over.”
In other words, USAID and NED work to combat authoritarianism around the world. No wonder Trump and Musk want to shutter them.
The closing of these agencies and the firings at the Pentagon have nothing to do with efficiency or DEI. They have everything to do with wanting leadership in government and the military that will do whatever is ordered, legal or otherwise. And what might all of this mean if Trump should decide to force an illegal third term for himself? A question to ponder as we consider these latest moves with the country’s armed forces.
To support my team’s efforts to protect our democracy through the power of independent journalism, please consider joining as a paid subscriber. It keeps Steady sustainable and accessible for all. Thank you.
No matter how you subscribe, I thank you for reading.
Stay Steady,
Dan
© 2025 Dan Rather
3939 Bee Cave Rd., Bldg. C-100, Austin, Texas 78746
_____________________________________SIGNATURE________________________________________________
Not today Sir, Probably not tomorrow.............................................. bayfront arena st. pete '94
you're finally here and I'm a mess................................................... nationwide arena columbus '10
memories like fingerprints are slowly raising.................................... first niagara center buffalo '13
another man ..... moved by sleight of hand...................................... joe louis arena detroit '140
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