WHAT ABOUT THIS? WHAT ABOUT THAT? DONALD TRUMP SAW A YELLOW CAT.
Whataboutism or bothsidesing things are out of control these days. Everyone is guilty of it from time to time but it seems to be the option of choice among those on the right to fuel their disingenuous arguments that quite often seem to be (and please correct me if I am wrong) made in bad faith. I think it is one of the things that is dividing us further and contributing to the downfall of our democracy and I don't know how we can dig ourselves out of this hole.
So I just wanted to start a discussion. Post examples you come across in your day to day lives as well as in the media. Maybe we can have a discussion about how to improve our dialogue so we can try to have more meaningful discussions?
https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/whataboutism-what-about-it/2017/08/17/4d05ed36-82b4-11e7-b359-15a3617c767b_story.html
Whataboutism: The Cold War tactic, thawed by Putin, is brandished by Donald Trump
What about antifa? What about free speech? What about the guy who shot Steve Scalise? What about the mosque in Minnesota that got bombed? What about North Korea? What about murders in Chicago? What about Ivanka at the G-20? What about Vince Foster? If white pride is bad, then what about gay pride? What about the stock market? What about those 33,000 deleted emails? What about Hitler? What about the Crusades? What about the asteroid that may one day kill us all? What about Benghazi?
What about what about what about.
We’ve gotten very good at what-abouting.
The president has led the way.
His campaign may or may not have conspired with Moscow, but President Trump has routinely employed a durable old Soviet propaganda tactic. Tuesday’s bonkers news conference in New York was Trump’s latest act of “whataboutism,” the practice of short-circuiting an argument by asserting moral equivalency between two things that aren’t necessarily comparable. In this case, the president wondered whether the removal of a statue of Confederate leader Robert E. Lee in Charlottesville — where white supremacists clashed this weekend with counterprotesters — would lead to the teardown of others.
Robert E. Lee? What about George Washington?
“George Washington was a slave owner,” Trump said to journalists in the lobby of his corporate headquarters. “Are we going to take down statues to George Washington? How about Thomas Jefferson?”
Using the literal “what about” construction, Trump then went on to blame “both sides” for the violence in Charlottesville.
“What about the ‘alt-left’ that came charging at the, as you say, the ‘alt-right’?” the president said. “Do they have any semblance of guilt?”
For a nanosecond, especially to an uncritical listener, this stab at logic might seem interesting, even thought-provoking, and that’s why it’s a useful political tool. Whataboutism appears to broaden context, to offer a counterpoint, when really it’s diverting blame, muddying the waters and confusing the hell out of rational listeners.
“Not only does it help to deflect your original argument but it also throws you off balance,” says Alexey Kovalev, an independent Russian journalist, on the phone from Moscow. “You’re expecting to be in a civilized argument that doesn’t use cheap tricks like that. You are playing chess and your opponent — while making a lousy move — he just punches you on the nose.”
[‘There are no fine people marching with Nazis’: Seth Meyers on Trump’s Charlottesville response]
Vladimir Putin has made a national sport of what-abouting. In 2014, when a journalist challenged him on his annexation of Crimea, Putin brought up the U.S. annexation of Texas. The American invasion of Iraq is constantly what-abouted on state television, to excuse all kinds of Russian behavior.
In Edward Snowden, “Russia has found the ultimate whataboutism mascot,” the Atlantic’s Olga Khazan wrote in 2013. “By granting him asylum, Russia casts itself, even if momentarily, as a defender of human rights, and the U.S. as the oppressor.”
The term was first coined as “whataboutery” and “the whatabouts,” in stories about the Irish Republican Army in the 1970s, according to linguist Ben Zimmer. But the practice goes back to the chilly depths of the Cold War.
“An old joke 50 years ago was that if you went to a Stalinist and criticized the Soviet slave-labor camps, the Stalinist would say, ‘Well what about the lynchings in the American South?’” philosopher Noam Chomsky once said.
In 1970, as the Soviet Union made headlines for imprisoning dissidents, Ukrainian artist Viktor Koretsky created a propaganda lithograph titled “American Politics at home and abroad.” It depicted U.S. police beating a black man and a U.S. soldier standing over a dead body, presumably in Vietnam.
In May 1985 the U.S. State Department funded a conference at the Madison Hotel on the fallacy of “moral equivalence,” a philosophical cousin of whataboutism. The goal was to tamp down comparisons of the 1983 U.S. invasion of Grenada with the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, among other instances. The actions may be comparable, the State Department implied, but the intentions were not.
“If it is no longer possible to distinguish between freedom and despotism,” said Jeane Kirkpatrick, Ronald Reagan’s ambassador to the United Nations, then “the erosion of the foundation of a distinctively Western, democratic civilization is already far advanced and the situation serious indeed.”
[‘Clinically insane,’ ‘7th circle of hell’: Late-night hosts process Trump’s news conference]
Flash forward 30 years. President Trump’s Twitter feed has been a whataboutism showcase, with Hillary Clinton as the usual target.
April 3: “Did Hillary Clinton ever apologize for receiving the answers to the debate? Just asking!”
June 26: “The real story is that President Obama did NOTHING after being informed in August about Russian meddling.”
July 22: “. . . What about all of the Clinton ties to Russia . . .”
Googling of “Whataboutism” began to climb sharply in November of last year; this week, with Charlottesville, it reached an all-time high. “You look at both sides,” Trump said Tuesday, after saying “what about” three times. “I think there is blame on both sides . . . and nobody wants to say that.”
Some people saw this as brave truth-telling, and as exposing double standards in the media.
“Trump-haters on both sides of the aisle simply cry ‘whataboutism,’ as if it were a magic spell to ward off rational thought,” wrote Joel B. Pollak on the right-wing site Breitbart.com, in an article headlined “The attack on ‘whataboutism’ is a defense of hypocrisy.”
Trump’s most flagrant what-about, though, was used not in defense of himself, but in defense of Russia.
“Putin’s a killer,” Bill O’Reilly said to Trump in a February interview.
“There are a lot of killers,” Trump whatabouted. “We’ve got a lot of killers. What do you think — our country’s so innocent?”
“That’s exactly the kind of argument that Russian propagandists have used for years to justify some of Putin’s most brutal policies,” wrote Michael McFaul, former ambassador to Russia during the Obama administration.
“Moral relativism — ‘whataboutism’ — has always been a favorite weapon of illiberal regimes,” Russian chessmaster and activist Garry Kasparov told the Columbia Journalism Review in March. “For a U.S. president to employ it against his own country is tragic.”
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https://www.npr.org/2017/03/17/520435073/trump-embraces-one-of-russias-favorite-propaganda-tactics-whataboutism
Trump Embraces One Of Russia's Favorite Propaganda Tactics — Whataboutism
DANIELLE KURTZLEBEN
TwitterAn employee at a Moscow gift shop polishes traditional Russian wooden nesting dolls depicting Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
President Trump has developed a consistent tactic when he's criticized: say that someone else is worse.
This week, when the Congressional Budget Office estimated that Republicans' health care plan would leave 24 million additional people uninsured in 2026, Trump's first move wasn't a direct response. Instead, he took to Twitter to blast the Affordable Care Act (commonly referred to as Obamacare), criticizing how much was spent on promoting it and asking people to tweet their own criticisms.
Prior to that, when the floodlights were on communications between then-Alabama Sen. Jeff Sessions and the Russian ambassador, Trump's tweets were all about Democrats' contact with the Russians:
Famously, he even did a reverse version of this — defending not the U.S., but Russia — when he told Fox News' Bill O'Reilly about his "respect" for Russian President Vladimir Putin, as former Hillary Clinton State Department and campaign adviser Jake Sullivan noted in Foreign Policy in February.
When O'Reilly countered that "Putin is a killer," Trump responded, "There are a lot of killers. You got a lot of killers. What, you think our country is so innocent?"
This particular brand of changing the subject is called "whataboutism" — a simple rhetorical tactic heavily used by the Soviet Union and, later, Russia. And its use in Russia helps illustrate how it could be such a useful tool now, in America. As Russian political experts told NPR, it's an attractive tactic for populists in particular, allowing them to be vague but appear straight-talking at the same time.
A schoolyard taunt, brought to a global level
The idea behind whataboutism is simple: Party A accuses Party B of doing something bad. Party B responds by changing the subject and pointing out one of Party A's faults — "Yeah? Well what about that bad thing you did?" (Hence the name.)
It's not exactly a complicated tactic — any grade-schooler can master the "yeah-well-you-suck-too-so-there" defense. But it came to be associated with the USSR because of the Soviet Union's heavy reliance upon whataboutism throughout the Cold War and afterward, as Russia.
Whataboutism — particularly directed toward the U.S. — was so pervasive in the USSR that it became a joke among Soviets, often in a subversive genre called "Armenian Radio" jokes, explains one Russia analyst.
But whataboutism extends beyond rhetoric, said Dmitry Dubrovsky, a professor at Columbia University's School of International and Public Affairs.
"It's not only a narrative practice; it's real policy," he said. "For example, the Russians installed a special institute to cover the violation of human rights in the United States."
Dubrovsky is referring to a branch of the organization called the Institute for Democracy and Cooperation, which is widely considered pro-Kremlin. In fact, IDC shuttered its New York office in 2015 because it said it had achieved its goals, Buzzfeed reported: "The human-rights situation has improved in the United States," IDC Director Andranik Migranyan told Gazeta.ru.
One big reason whataboutism is so attractive: it's a simple way to shrug off criticism or even responsibility for any wrongdoings.
"You're saying that in the negotiations we have, that no one is perfect, and no one can claim to be, and as such, what this does is let you off the hook," Nikitin said.
So when Trump denigrated Obamacare amid heavy criticism of the GOP's health care plan, he seemed to be saying that whatever the GOP plan's flaws, at least it isn't the worst they could do (the worst, in his eyes, being Obamacare). Instead of giving a reasoned defense, he went for blunt offense, which is a hallmark of whataboutism.
Trump and Putin's common weapon
Whataboutism has been common in Putin's Russia. The Atlantic cited one such example in 2014, noting that when the Kremlin faced criticisms of its treatment of protesters, government officials responded, "What about the United Kingdom? Breaking the law during public gatherings there could lead to a fine of 5,800 pounds sterling there or even prison."
One reason that Trump and Putin might both find whataboutism useful, said one expert in Russian politics, is that they have common political impulses.
"[Putin and Trump] are both populist leaders. They always try to be as uncertain as possible. And for a populist that's important," Dubrovsky said. "Whataboutism is a very substantial part of populism rhetoric."
The idea, Dubrovsky posited, is that a populist leader wants to keep his masses of supporters on his side. Getting too specific on a policy or a position risks creating rifts within that base of support. Pointing to a common enemy, on the other hand, is a great way to unify a group.
In addition, there can be an implicit toughness to whataboutism, in that it openly acknowledges that nobody is perfect.
"I think what the Russian discourse is [is] that it's, in fact, very difficult to cleave perfectly to [a set of morals]," Nikitin said. "And anyone that claims to the contrary can be unmasked as, in fact, being just as flawed as anyone else is."
Whataboutism flattens moral nuances into a black-and-white worldview. But in this worldview, it's very difficult to be the good guy; idealism is the ultimate naïveté, and anyone who dares to criticize another can be "unmasked" as a hypocrite. This creates a useful moral equivalency, as Nikitin added: if nobody is perfect, there's license to do all sorts of imperfect things.
The idea, he said, is that "you've got to be practical and kind of bloody-minded and get your hands dirty. Anyone who claims otherwise is lying."
That closely mirrors what Trump told O'Reilly: "What, and we're so innocent?"
It might come off as brash truth-telling, but it's nevertheless a defense of a world leader who has been accused of killing his critics.
At least one Russian foresaw the Trump-Putin rhetorical parallels, even in the early days of the administration. In late January, Russian journalist Alexey Kovalev warned American journalists that Trump might take on some Putinesque media tactics:
Kovalev was right on many counts: Trump has indeed proved to be inconsistent, make political "U-turns," repeatedly state falsehoods, and, of course, engage in whataboutism. And while Kovalev (and perhaps others) may have foreseen it, it's no less striking that while Putin's Russia is causing the Trump administration so much trouble, Trump nevertheless often sounds an awful lot like Putin.
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"Well, you tell him that I don't talk to suckas."
But now here's the catch: The way so very many Republicans have latched on to the Trump version of Republican policy and thinking and behaving, rather than the more thoughtful approach of the Lincoln Project folks, I cannot help but see a great imbalance here. I could try all day to look for ways to give Trump Republicans more credit for having good ideas but I cannot possibly do that. Not when I look at January 6th, 2021. Not when I think about how much money has been wasted on that "wall" that is doing no good and a lot of harm by disrupting wildlife migration patterns. Not when Trump blames California for wildfires on federal lands and not doing enough "raking". Not when Trump, Larry Elder, and the like prove themselves to hate women and make looking and sounding stupid popular or encouraging others to act that way. I just can't do it. I can try to be more polite to my right wing adversaries, but I cannot see them as having equally good ideas and objectives to most of what Democrats want to accomplish. I would be lying if I tried so hard to be diplomatic if I said, "Yeah, Republicans and Democrats are about equal in their good points and bad points." Can't do it.
Hell, on this site alone I was recently and “subtly” told to leave a thread because I dared to offer a different view.
Treat people the way you would want to be treated. If someone’s talking shit from the gutter, why join them?
I mean, sure, if that’s who you want to measure up to, then good for you team blue. You win the twit Olympics. Way to jump over those matchsticks.
it's unfortunate.
sometimes it's warranted, when pointing out obvious hypocrisy of trumpsters, otherwise.....
www.headstonesband.com
Can anyone name or point me to policy proposals or a policy speech from repubs on any of the following (and I’ll start with health care because it’s been 11 years).
healthcare
global climate change
immigration
gun violence
police reform
racial and financial inequality
costs of higher ed
alternative energy development & investment
etc., etc., etc.
I have a lot more to say on this thread and it’s topic but I don’t have time right now, need more time to formulate my thoughts and I’m not sure anyone gives a shit anyway so why bother.
Its been at least 13 years, maybe longer, since the repubs have had any serious policy proposals to address this nation’s most pressing issues.
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https://www.instagram.com/p/CT-Uvmslwwc/?utm_medium=copy_link
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www.headstonesband.com
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However it should be fair game to draw comparisons between the previous administration, no matter how god awful that admin was. I guess the question is how to make the distinction between making a comparison and making a whataboutism....
Not today Sir, Probably not tomorrow.............................................. bayfront arena st. pete '94
you're finally here and I'm a mess................................................... nationwide arena columbus '10
memories like fingerprints are slowly raising.................................... first niagara center buffalo '13
another man ..... moved by sleight of hand...................................... joe louis arena detroit '14
Except moles. They just keep popping up everywhere!
The dems I interact with are far from giddy about Trumps assault on democracy. Not sure if you are assuming that assault is over, but when one party is changing laws to give the power to certify elections to gerrymandered state legislatures (and not an official elected by the entire state evenly), that assault is far from over. Thats closer to apartheid than democracy.
Also assuming this is only a trump problem on the R side is not the best estimate. Consider that the MTGs, Boeberts, DeSantis, Gaetz and their ilk are the stars of their party, while credible conservatives like Gonzalez, Kinsinger and Cheney are getting run out of the party, its safe to assume the trump disease has infected their party in a profound manner. Trump didn't "happen" to run as a republican. He made a calculated decision that their base was ripe for manipulation.
How Independents don't pick up on this is confusing.
If given the opportunity, Trump could bungle anything. Despite Biden's request to "compare him to the alternative, not the almighty", if the alternative is incompetent, he has to be held to higher standards.
EV
Toronto Film Festival 9/11/2007, '08 - Toronto 1 & 2, '09 - Albany 1, '11 - Chicago 1
https://democrats.org/who-we-are/
https://www.gop.com/
And the gop platform is still up. From 2016.
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All of these factors are hugely significant in the withdrawal, but the media’s analysis is Biden is nearly 100% to blame for a terrorist attack in a terrorist nation, that was completely overrun by the most dangerous terrorist organization on earth in days. No one in the military told Biden this was a likelihood.
people repeatedly mock trump as a political neophyte. But he had the genius to realize withdrawing from Afghanistan would me messy even though he wanted out. He did the political calculation and passed on withdrawal, yet Biden had the political courage to announce the end within half a year of his presidency.
how independents do not grasp this is stunning
As for Biden's side of affairs - here's the reality: it was after chaos and public outcry that more resources were committed to the withdrawal, and all of a sudden, with those additional resources, things started to go better. I don't find it a stretch that those resources, timed and deployed properly, would've prevented or minimized that chaos and outcry.
This isn't exactly 2+2 = 4, but a POTUS should be able to add up the context:
-the USA was at war with Afghanistan for 20 years, over something not perpetrated by their people
-the USA was a constant policing force over the region for 20 years
-the USA announced its retreat from policing the region
-the entity reclaiming control (the Taliban) is an entity that wasn't tolerable to the US when the war started - what changed?
-the Taliban has stated animosity against the US
-the region has known enemies of the Taliban, with a commitment to produce chaos
-the Taliban has goals counter to many in modern Afghanistan, specifically with respect to female rights
Biden had a year and a half, and I believe more resources could've been committed, and earlier.
EV
Toronto Film Festival 9/11/2007, '08 - Toronto 1 & 2, '09 - Albany 1, '11 - Chicago 1
a year and a half?
Not today Sir, Probably not tomorrow.............................................. bayfront arena st. pete '94
you're finally here and I'm a mess................................................... nationwide arena columbus '10
memories like fingerprints are slowly raising.................................... first niagara center buffalo '13
another man ..... moved by sleight of hand...................................... joe louis arena detroit '14
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that ain’t Ds flipping on him, it’s the fickle independents, the group most responsible for allowing trump to get elected