Interesting take. I think it's a bit wild-eyed, but it'd make a decent movie, a la Syriana.
people said the exact same thing when i said the iraq war was about oil contracts, arms sales and reconstruction projects ... those same people don't think it is so wild-eyed ... but hey - arms sales are gonna boom in the middle east ... must be the market swing ... :roll:
Or the fact that everyone is scared shitless of Iran.
that is the problem, people are scared of iran, just like we were told to be scared of iraq, and before that russia, and before that russia and cuba....
"You can tell the greatness of a man by what makes him angry." - Lincoln
Gimme, by "people" who are told to be scared, do you mean the Saudis, and the Kuwaitis, and the UAE, and pretty much everyone else in the Middle East, all of whom have voiced their fears, and are now massively arming up to deter the threat?
you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane
Gimme, by "people" who are told to be scared, do you mean the Saudis, and the Kuwaitis, and the UAE, and pretty much everyone else in the Middle East, all of whom have voiced their fears, and are now massively arming up to deter the threat?
what is iran going to do? seriously what the hell is iran going to do when it has israel and its lapdog US with the 2 strongest militaries in the world, both of whom have a hard on to blow them up? do you or anyone else really think that iran is a real threat? is iran going to invade israel? what about invading saudi arabia and kuwait with all of the US bases in those countries? what if they join the fight in afghanistan?
can we get real for maybe five minutes and think about how absolutely fucking stupid iran would be to invade anyone in that region? the iranian leader may be a trash talking loon, but he is no fool and is not foolish enough to invade any of his neighbors.
and by "people being told to be scared" i was referring to the west.
"You can tell the greatness of a man by what makes him angry." - Lincoln
When Ehud Olmert and George W. Bush met at the White House in June, they concluded that Hamas’s violent ousting of Fatah from Gaza – which brought down the Palestinian national unity government brokered by the Saudis in Mecca in March – had presented the world with a new ‘window of opportunity’.[*] (Never has a failed peace process enjoyed so many windows of opportunity.) Hamas’s isolation in Gaza, Olmert and Bush agreed, would allow them to grant generous concessions to the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, giving him the credibility he needed with the Palestinian people in order to prevail over Hamas.
Both Bush and Olmert have spoken endlessly of their commitment to a two-state solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict, but it is their determination to bring down Hamas rather than to build up a Palestinian state that animates their new-found enthusiasm for making Abbas look good. That is why their expectation that Hamas will be defeated is illusory. Palestinian moderates will never prevail over those considered extremists, since what defines moderation for Olmert is Palestinian acquiescence in Israel’s dismemberment of Palestinian territory. In the end, what Olmert and his government are prepared to offer Palestinians will be rejected by Abbas no less than by Hamas, and will only confirm to Palestinians the futility of Abbas’s moderation and justify its rejection by Hamas. Equally illusory are Bush’s expectations of what will be achieved by the conference he recently announced would be held in the autumn (it has now been downgraded to a ‘meeting’). In his view, all previous peace initiatives have failed largely, if not exclusively, because Palestinians were not ready for a state of their own. The meeting will therefore focus narrowly on Palestinian institution-building and reform, under the tutelage of Tony Blair, the Quartet’s newly appointed envoy.
In fact, all previous peace initiatives have got nowhere for a reason that neither Bush nor the EU has had the political courage to acknowledge. That reason is the consensus reached long ago by Israel’s decision-making elites that Israel will never allow the emergence of a Palestinian state which denies it effective military and economic control of the West Bank. To be sure, Israel would allow – indeed, it would insist on – the creation of a number of isolated enclaves that Palestinians could call a state, but only in order to prevent the creation of a binational state in which Palestinians would be the majority.
The Middle East peace process may well be the most spectacular deception in modern diplomatic history. Since the failed Camp David summit of 2000, and actually well before it, Israel’s interest in a peace process – other than for the purpose of obtaining Palestinian and international acceptance of the status quo – has been a fiction that has served primarily to provide cover for its systematic confiscation of Palestinian land and an occupation whose goal, according to the former IDF chief of staff Moshe Ya’alon, is ‘to sear deep into the consciousness of Palestinians that they are a defeated people’. In his reluctant embrace of the Oslo Accords, and his distaste for the settlers, Yitzhak Rabin may have been the exception to this, but even he did not entertain a return of Palestinian territory beyond the so-called Allon Plan, which allowed Israel to retain the Jordan Valley and other parts of the West Bank.
Anyone familiar with Israel’s relentless confiscations of Palestinian territory – based on a plan devised, overseen and implemented by Ariel Sharon – knows that the objective of its settlement enterprise in the West Bank has been largely achieved. Gaza, the evacuation of whose settlements was so naively hailed by the international community as the heroic achievement of a man newly committed to an honourable peace with the Palestinians, was intended to serve as the first in a series of Palestinian bantustans. Gaza’s situation shows us what these bantustans will look like if their residents do not behave as Israel wants.
Israel’s disingenuous commitment to a peace process and a two-state solution is precisely what has made possible its open-ended occupation and dismemberment of Palestinian territory. And the Quartet – with the EU, the UN secretary general and Russia obediently following Washington’s lead – has collaborated with and provided cover for this deception by accepting Israel’s claim that it has been unable to find a deserving Palestinian peace partner.
Just one year after the 1967 war, Moshe Dayan, a former IDF chief of staff who at the time was minister of defence, described his plan for the future as ‘the current reality in the territories’. ‘The plan,’ he said, ‘is being implemented in actual fact. What exists today must remain as a permanent arrangement in the West Bank.’ Ten years later, at a conference in Tel Aviv, Dayan said: ‘The question is not “What is the solution?” but “How do we live without a solution?”’ Geoffrey Aronson, who has monitored the settlement enterprise from its beginnings, summarises the situation as follows:
Living without a solution, then as now, was understood by Israel as the key to maximising the benefits of conquest while minimising the burdens and dangers of retreat or formal annexation. This commitment to the status quo, however, disguised a programme of expansion that generations of Israeli leaders supported as enabling, through Israeli settlement, the dynamic transformation of the territories and the expansion of effective Israeli sovereignty to the Jordan River.
In an interview in Ha’aretz in 2004, Dov Weissglas, chef de cabinet to the then prime minister, Ariel Sharon, described the strategic goal of Sharon’s diplomacy as being to secure the support of the White House and Congress for Israeli measures that would place the peace process and Palestinian statehood in ‘formaldehyde’. It is a fiendishly appropriate metaphor: formaldehyde uniquely prevents the deterioration of dead bodies, and sometimes creates the illusion that they are still alive. Weissglas explains that the purpose of Sharon’s unilateral withdrawal from Gaza, and the dismantling of several isolated settlements in the West Bank, was to gain US acceptance of Israel’s unilateralism, not to set a precedent for an eventual withdrawal from the West Bank. The limited withdrawals were intended to provide Israel with the political room to deepen and widen its presence in the West Bank, and that is what they achieved. In a letter to Sharon, Bush wrote: ‘In light of new realities on the ground, including already existing major Israeli population centres, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949.’
In a recent interview in Ha’aretz, James Wolfensohn, who was the Quartet’s representative at the time of the Gaza disengagement, said that Israel and the US had systematically undermined the agreement he helped forge in 2005 between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, and had instead turned Gaza into a vast prison. The official behind this, he told Ha’aretz, was Elliott Abrams, the deputy national security adviser. ‘Every aspect’ of the agreement Wolfensohn had brokered ‘was abrogated’.
Another recent interview in Ha’aretz, with Haggai Alon, who was a senior adviser to Amir Peretz at the Ministry of Defence, is even more revealing. Alon accuses the IDF (whose most senior officers increasingly are themselves settlers) of working clandestinely to further the settlers’ interests. The IDF, Alon says, ignores the Supreme Court’s instructions about the path the so-called security fence should follow, instead ‘setting a route that will not enable the establishment of a Palestinian state’. Alon told Ha’aretz that when in 2005 politicians signed an agreement with the Palestinians to ease restrictions on Palestinians travelling in the territories (part of the deal that Wolfensohn had worked on), the IDF eased them for settlers instead. For Palestinians, the number of checkpoints doubled. According to Alon, the IDF is ‘carrying out an apartheid policy’ that is emptying Hebron of Arabs and Judaising (his term) the Jordan Valley, while it co-operates openly with the settlers in an attempt to make a two-state solution impossible.
A new UN map of the West Bank, produced by the Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, gives a comprehensive picture of the situation. Israeli civilian and military infrastructure has rendered 40 per cent of the territory off limits to Palestinians. The rest of the territory, including major population centres such as Nablus and Jericho, is split into enclaves; movement between them is restricted by 450 roadblocks and 70 manned checkpoints. The UN found that what remains is an area very similar to that set aside for the Palestinian population in Israeli security proposals in the aftermath of the 1967 war. It also found that changes now underway to the infrastructure of the territories – including a network of highways that bypass and isolate Palestinian towns – would serve to formalise the de facto cantonisation of the West Bank.
These are the realities on the ground that the uninformed and/or cynical blather in Jerusalem, Washington and Brussels – about waiting for Palestinians to reform their institutions, democratise their culture, dismantle the ‘infrastructures of terror’ and halt all violence and incitement before peace negotiations can begin – seeks to drown out. Given the vast power imbalance between Israel and the Palestinians – not to mention the vast preponderance of diplomatic support enjoyed by Israel from precisely those countries that one would have expected to compensate diplomatically for the military imbalance – nothing will change for the better without the US, the EU and other international actors finally facing up to what have long been the fundamental impediments to peace.
These impediments include the assumption, implicit in Israel’s occupation policy, that if no peace agreement is reached, the ‘default setting’ of UN Security Council Resolution 242 is the indefinite continuation of Israel’s occupation. If this reading were true, the resolution would actually be inviting an occupying power that wishes to retain its adversary’s territory to do so simply by means of avoiding peace talks – which is exactly what Israel has been doing. In fact, the introductory statement to Resolution 242 declares that territory cannot be acquired by war, implying that if the parties cannot reach agreement, the occupier must withdraw to the status quo ante: that, logically, is 242’s default setting. Had there been a sincere intention on Israel’s part to withdraw from the territories, surely forty years should have been more than enough time in which to reach an agreement. Israel’s contention has long been that since no Palestinian state existed before the 1967 war, there is no recognised border to which Israel can withdraw, because the pre-1967 border was merely an armistice line. Moreover, since Resolution 242 calls for a ‘just and lasting peace’ that will allow ‘every state in the area [to] live in security’, Israel holds that it must be allowed to change the armistice line, either bilaterally or unilaterally, to make it secure before it ends the occupation. This is a specious argument for many reasons, but principally because UN General Assembly Partition Resolution 181 of 1947, which established the Jewish state’s international legitimacy, also recognised the remaining Palestinian territory outside the new state’s borders as the equally legitimate patrimony of Palestine’s Arab population on which they were entitled to establish their own state, and it mapped the borders of that territory with great precision. Resolution 181’s affirmation of the right of Palestine’s Arab population to national self-determination was based on normative law and the democratic principles that grant statehood to the majority population. (At the time, Arabs constituted two-thirds of the population in Palestine.) This right does not evaporate because of delays in its implementation.
In the course of a war launched by Arab countries that sought to prevent the implementation of the UN partition resolution, Israel enlarged its territory by 50 per cent. If it is illegal to acquire territory as a result of war, then the question now cannot conceivably be how much additional Palestinian territory Israel may confiscate, but rather how much of the territory it acquired in the course of the war of 1948 it is allowed to retain. At the very least, if ‘adjustments’ are to be made to the 1949 armistice line, these should be made on Israel’s side of that line, not the Palestinians’.
Clearly, the obstacle to resolving the Israel-Palestine conflict has not been a dearth of peace initiatives or peace envoys. Nor has it been the violence to which Palestinians have resorted in their struggle to rid themselves of Israel’s occupation, even when that violence has despicably targeted Israel’s civilian population. It is not to sanction the murder of civilians to observe that such violence occurs, sooner or later, in most situations in which a people’s drive for national self-determination is frustrated by an occupying power. Indeed, Israel’s own struggle for national independence was no exception. According to the historian Benny Morris, in this conflict it was the Irgun that first targeted civilians. In Righteous Victims, Morris writes that the upsurge of Arab terrorism in 1937 ‘triggered a wave of Irgun bombings against Arab crowds and buses, introducing a new dimension to the conflict.’ While in the past Arabs had ‘sniped at cars and pedestrians and occasionally lobbed a grenade, often killing or injuring a few bystanders or passengers’, now ‘for the first time, massive bombs were placed in crowded Arab centres, and dozens of people were indiscriminately murdered and maimed.’ Morris notes that ‘this “innovation” soon found Arab imitators.’
Underlying Israel’s efforts to retain the occupied territories is the fact that it has never really considered the West Bank as occupied territory, despite its pro forma acceptance of that designation. Israelis see the Palestinian areas as ‘contested’ territory to which they have claims no less compelling than the Palestinians, international law and UN resolutions notwithstanding. This is a view that was made explicit for the first time by Sharon in an op-ed essay published on the front page of the New York Times on 9 June 2002. The use of the biblical designations of Judea and Samaria to describe the territories, terms which were formerly employed only by the Likud but are now de rigueur for Labour Party stalwarts as well, is a reflection of a common Israeli view. That the former prime minister Ehud Barak (now Olmert’s defence minister) endlessly describes the territorial proposals he made at the Camp David summit as expressions of Israel’s ‘generosity’, and never as an acknowledgment of Palestinian rights, is another example of this mindset. Indeed, the term ‘Palestinian rights’ seems not to exist in Israel’s lexicon.
The problem is not, as Israelis often claim, that Palestinians do not know how to compromise. (Another former prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, famously complained that ‘Palestinians take and take while Israel gives and gives.’) That is an indecent charge, since the Palestinians made much the most far-reaching compromise of all when the PLO formally accepted the legitimacy of Israel within the 1949 armistice border. With that concession, Palestinians ceded their claim to more than half the territory that the UN’s partition resolution had assigned to its Arab inhabitants. They have never received any credit for this wrenching concession, made years before Israel agreed that Palestinians had a right to statehood in any part of Palestine. The notion that further border adjustments should be made at the expense of the 22 per cent of the territory that remains to the Palestinians is deeply offensive to them, and understandably so.
Nonetheless, the Palestinians agreed at the Camp David summit to adjustments to the pre-1967 border that would allow large numbers of West Bank settlers – about 70 per cent – to remain within the Jewish state, provided they received comparable territory on Israel’s side of the border. Barak rejected this. To be sure, in the past the Palestinian demand of a right of return was a serious obstacle to a peace agreement. But the Arab League’s peace initiative of 2002 leaves no doubt that Arab countries will accept a nominal and symbolic return of refugees into Israel in numbers approved by Israel, with the overwhelming majority repatriated in the new Palestinian state, their countries of residence, or in other countries prepared to receive them.
It is the failure of the international community to reject (other than in empty rhetoric) Israel’s notion that the occupation and the creation of ‘facts on the ground’ can go on indefinitely, so long as there is no agreement that is acceptable to Israel, that has defeated all previous peace initiatives and the efforts of all peace envoys. Future efforts will meet the same fate if this fundamental issue is not addressed.
What is required for a breakthrough is the adoption by the Security Council of a resolution affirming the following: 1. Changes to the pre-1967 situation can be made only by agreement between the parties. Unilateral measures will not receive international recognition. 2. The default setting of Resolution 242, reiterated by Resolution 338, the 1973 ceasefire resolution, is a return by Israel’s occupying forces to the pre-1967 border. 3. If the parties do not reach agreement within 12 months (the implementation of agreements will obviously take longer), the default setting will be invoked by the Security Council. The Security Council will then adopt its own terms for an end to the conflict, and will arrange for an international force to enter the occupied territories to help establish the rule of law, assist Palestinians in building their institutions, assure Israel’s security by preventing cross-border violence, and monitor and oversee the implementation of terms for an end to the conflict.
If the US and its allies were to take a stand forceful enough to persuade Israel that it will not be allowed to make changes to the pre-1967 situation except by agreement with the Palestinians in permanent status negotiations, there would be no need for complicated peace formulas or celebrity mediators to get a peace process underway. The only thing that an envoy such as Blair can do to put the peace process back on track is to speak the truth about the real impediment to peace. This would also be a historic contribution to the Jewish state, since Israel’s only hope of real long-term security is to have a successful Palestinian state as its neighbour.
Thursday 23 September 2010 '...Obama reiterated the traditional US commitment to the state of Israel and told supporters of an independent Palestinian state to "stop trying to tear Israel down".
The more you listen to the bullshit of Israel's supporters and apologists the more apparent it is that they live in some sort of alternate reality resembling that of the Mad Hatter from Alice in Wonderland where reality is turned completely on it's head.
jesus christ Obama grow some freaking balls for once.
and we can have a thread of bitching and moaning because Obamas half aunt used tax payers money while she stayed illegally in the U.S. (even though she's been granted legal residency now), and yet barely a murmur that billions of American dollars are funding Israels illegal occupation of ordinary Palestinian people every single damn day.
The more you listen to the bullshit of Israel's supporters and apologists the more apparent it is that they live in some sort of alternate reality resembling that of the Mad Hatter from Alice in Wonderland where reality is turned completely on it's head.
Wow B, I think the same thing about you.
you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane
The more you listen to the bullshit of Israel's supporters and apologists the more apparent it is that they live in some sort of alternate reality resembling that of the Mad Hatter from Alice in Wonderland where reality is turned completely on it's head.
Middle East peace talks stall as US fails to sway Israel over settlements
Process 'in crisis', says Mahmoud Abbas, as Binyamin Netanyahu refuses to back down on settlement freeze
* Ian Black and Ewen MacAskill in Washington
* guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 8 December 2010
Palestinians and Israelis were tonight blaming each other for sabotaging peace talks after the US admitted it had failed to persuade Binyamin Netanyahu to freeze West Bank settlements to allow stalled negotiations to resume.
Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, who had insisted on a new moratorium on settlements before returning to direct negotiations, agreed the peace process was now "in crisis".
Abbas is due in Cairo on Thursday to consult the Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak, and the Arab League. Egypt's foreign minister, Ahmed Aboul Gheit, said discussions should now shift to an "endgame" for resolving the issue.
Palestinian spokesmen expressed dismay at the news that the Obama administration had formally decided to abandon its efforts to persuade Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, to ignore rightwing critics and back down over settlements.
The US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, is expected to insist in a speech in Washington on Friday that the US will not walk away from attempts to secure peace and the Obama administration remains committed to seeking a solution.
In the Middle East, Mustafa Barghouti, a member of the Palestinian parliament, told al-Jazeera TV: "If the US fails to pressure Israel to abide by what … the international community demands – a complete freeze to settlement activities – then there is no peace process and the reason for this is Israel."
Yasser Abed Rabbo, of the PLO executive committee, said: "The policy and efforts of the US administration failed because of the blow it received from the Israeli government."
But Israel's cabinet secretary, Tzvi Hauser, warned: "The Palestinians need to understand, as the Americans do, that it is unacceptable for either side to set pre-conditions."
Tony Blair, representing the Quartet of United Nations, United States, European Union and Russia, called the US decision "sensible … in the light of the impasse that we reached."
Abbas had insisted there should be a halt to building outposts in the West Bank and East Jerusalem – with Israel seeking to exclude the latter from any freeze – before agreeing to resume direct talks.
But there was no immediate sign that the PLO was preparing to pull out of talks, as its Islamist rival Hamas insisted it should. The US Middle East envoy, George Mitchell, is reportedly planning to meet separately with PLO and Israeli negotiators in the coming days. "We have been pursuing a moratorium as a means to create conditions for a return to meaningful and sustained negotiations," Philip Crowley, the state department spokesman, told reporters in a televised press briefing in New York City. "After a considerable effort, we have concluded that this does not create a firm basis to work towards our shared goal of a framework agreement."
Crowley denied that the US had been distracted by the WikiLeaks release of diplomatic cables.
Aaron David Miller, a Washington-based Middle East analyst who advised six secretaries of state, said he expected Clinton to concentrate in her speech mainly on the background to the US peace efforts rather than a new blueprint.
Miller, author of The Much Too Promised Land: America's Elusive Search for Arab-Israeli Peace, said: "The administration now has some pretty bad options. One is walking away and the other is laying out your own policy. Neither is possible. The middle way is to talk quietly to both sides on borders and security, and you might get traction and then conceivably work on Jerusalem and refugees."
He said domestic problems for the Israeli government, the Palestinians and the Obama administration do not bode well for a deal. "The Obama administration has so many headaches: jobs, the Republican party will have more senators, bogged down in two wars. The question for the administration is how important is this and are they ready to risk a high-profile failure," Miller said.
David Makovsky, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East policy, said it would be a mistake either to think the US is going to let the effort drop or to see it as a sign of failure on the part of the Obama administration. He expected the focus to shift away from settlements and the future of Jerusalem to issues on which agreement might be easier, namely security and borders.
"I see it as a refocusing and not a retreat," Makovsky said.
Palestinian officials have suggested that if there is no progress with Israel, they would take unilateral action, such as seeking to win international recognition for an independent state. That could involve lobbying for a UN security council resolution, or issuing their own unilateral declaration – though that would not be supported by Hamas or affect Gaza.
The dangers are that the first would be vetoed by the US or that Israel might retaliate by annexing parts of the West Bank and blaming the Palestinians for torpedoing negotiations.
Brazil and Argentina announced this week that they would recognise a Palestinian state with pre-1967 borders, and Uruguay pledged to do the same next year. The US quickly condemned these moves as "counterproductive".
Palestinians and other Arabs were furious when, in a last-ditch attempt to revive direct talks, Obama offered Israel a package of incentives including 20 F-35 fighter planes worth $3bn in exchange for a new three-month settlement ban. Washington also promised not to seek an additional freeze and pledged to provide Israel with diplomatic support, including vetoing anti-Israel resolutions at the UN.
south america has been historically submissive, these new public statements signal a change. a good change.
And once again, Israel chooses land over peace. This is significant, because the next suicide attack in jerusalem or somewhere in Israel....the Israeli's can no longer play the victim. They had a chance for peace and they gave it up. The "poor me" "we were attacked" stance is no longer valid. These are peace talks, that Israel wants no part of.
And the US has leverage over Israel, arms, weapons, money......they could force a settlement freeze....but once again, the peace talks aren't so much about peace as they are about imposing surrender terms on the Palestinians.
In October 2002, Osama bin Laden issued a statement in which he analyzed America's inexhaustible number of sins and prescribed ways of repenting for many of them. The statement was, by the standards of bin Laden's cave encyclicals, unusually coherent. (Unlike, say, his most recent video, released in early September, which ranged across the sub-prime mortgage crisis, America's high rate of taxation, and the work of Noam Chomsky--the latter treated sympathetically, of course.) The 2002 letter laid out in a somewhat deliberate fashion bin Laden's main complaints, and it helped to answer a question that Americans often ask: Do they hate us for who we are, or for what we do?
Bin Laden's answer was, why choose? In his epistle to America, bin Laden asked Americans to submit to Islam, which he called "the religion of showing kindness to others." He excoriated us for our immorality: "We call you to be a people of manners, principles, honor and purity; to reject the immoral acts of fornication, homosexuality, intoxicants [and] gambling." He condemned us for manufacturing AIDS, which is a "Satanic American Invention." He also declared himself in opposition to the pervasive practice of incest in America, "in the face of which neither your sense of honor nor your laws object." He plangently concluded that "it is saddening to tell you that you are the worst civilization witnessed by the history of mankind." We are the worst because we "invent" our own laws to govern ourselves, rather than embrace God's law, or more precisely, his God's law, sharia; and because we mandate the separation of religion from politics; and because we allow usury.
The American addiction to usury is most upsetting to bin Laden. As is well known, the charging of interest--at usurious rates or otherwise--is banned by Islam. The institutions of "Islamic banking" were developed to find a way to conform to Islamic law and still prosper. Bin Laden's view of usury, and of Western banking practices, is characteristically unsophisticated. And he has a theory about its historical origins: Western banking is Jewish banking. "As a result of [usury], in all their different forms and guises, the Jews have taken control of your economy, through which they have then taken control of your media, and now control all aspects of your life, making you their servants and achieving their aims at your expense."
The Jews, of course, are a preoccupation of bin Laden's. They are an important source of immorality, and, in their union with Christianity--the "Zionist-Crusader alliance" of which he often speaks-- they have for centuries propagated falsehood and heresy. In conjunction with the Christians, the Jews also advocate policies that undermine the interests of Islam. It is not merely American financial and political support for Israel that frustrates bin Laden, but, crucially, America's role in perpetuating the idea that Palestine was once a Jewish homeland, and that the Jews of today are, in fact, proper Jews at all: "It brings us both laughter and tears to see that you have not yet tired of repeating your fabricated lies that the Jews have a historical right to Palestine, as it was promised to them in the Torah."
In the 2002 letter, bin Laden blames America for providing support to the usurping Zionists, but a careful reading of his rant will show that American support for Israel is only one of his many grievances against America. "You attacked us in Somalia; you supported the Russian atrocities against us in Chechnya, the Indian oppression against us in Kashmir," he writes. "You steal our wealth and oil at paltry prices.... This theft is indeed the biggest theft ever witnessed by mankind in the history of the world.... Your forces occupy our countries; you spread your military bases throughout them; you corrupt our lands." And in the Al Qaeda heartlands of Pakistan and Afghanistan, it is often Hindus--and, in some places, Shia--who are the unfortunate focus of Islamist zeal. ("The polytheists"--the Hindus--"are Satan's agents in the world," the Al Qaeda terrorist Fazlur Rahman Khalil once told me.) The Al Qaeda worldview is a fevered jumble, in which hatred never lacks an object and infidels are infinite.
It is rather uncontroversial to call Osama bin Laden an anti-Semite. He is the easy case. But since many people in the West are queasy about attaching the label of anti-Semitism to almost anybody, regarding the charge of anti-Semitism as itself proof of prejudice, let me begin by describing bin Laden's view of history less inflammatorily--not as anti-Semitic, but as Judeocentric. He believes that Jews exercise disproportionate control over world affairs, and that world affairs may therefore be explained by reference to the Jews. A Judeocentric view of history is one that regards the Jews as the center of the story, and therefore the key to it. Judeocentrism is a singlecause theory of history, and as such it is, almost by definition, a conspiracy theory. Moreover, Judeocentrism comes in positive forms and negative forms. The positive form of Judeocentrism is philo-Semitism, the negative form is antiSemitism. (There are philo-Semites who regard the Jews as the inventors of modernity, and there are anti-Semites who do the same; but the idea that Spinoza, Freud, and Einstein are responsible for us is as foolish as the idea that their ideas are judische Wissenschaft.) In both its positive and negative forms, Judeocentrism is always a mistake. Human events are not so neatly explained.
In the inflamed universe of negative Judeocentrism, there is a sliding scale of obsession. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the president of Iran, seems at times to view the world entirely through the prism of a Jewish conspiracy, and he regularly breaks new ground in the field of state-supported Holocaust denial. In Cairo, the activities of Jews, Israeli and otherwise, are a continual source of worry. Many of the monarchs in the Gulf countries, by contrast, will sometimes exploit anti-Jewish feeling for political reasons, but they do not seem to be personally obsessed by Jews. They are too worldly for that. In Europe, too, one finds great variations in the expression of Judeocentrism. There are still traces of Holocaust-induced philo-Semitism in places like Germany; but there are also figures such as Clare Short, the former British cabinet minister, who recently blamed Israel for global warming.
America, too, has a history of Judeocentrism, and also of the negative kind, the essence of which has been the belief that Jews, in order to advance their own interests, are responsible for entangling America in unnecessary wars--what we now call "wars of choice," which the Jews, it is alleged, have chosen for us. In the years leading up to World War II, the Jewish desire for war against Hitler was a constant theme of Father Coughlin, Charles Lindbergh, and Joseph P. Kennedy. "Instead of agitating for war, Jews in this country should be opposing it in every way, for they will be the first to feel its consequences," Lindbergh said in a speech in Des Moines on September 11, 1941. In more recent times, figures such as Patrick Buchanan, Louis Farrakhan, and David Duke have updated the notion and explained America's woes--Buchanan cleverly, Duke crudely, Farrakhan insanely--as the work of the Jews. (In 1990, as the first Bush administration was building up to war against Iraq, in order to expel Saddam Hussein's forces from Kuwait, Buchanan stated that "Capitol Hill is Israeli-occupied territory.") Perhaps the best and most succinct expression of this school of American Judeocentrism was offered by Mel Gibson when he explained, upon his arrest for drunk driving, that "the Jews are responsible for all the wars in the world."
It is an odious tradition, and I do not see how any thoughtful or decent individual would wish to belong to it. (I say thoughtful because the theory has no analytical value, and decent because the theory has harmful consequences.) But the tradition has now found a couple of unexpected new tribunes. The Judeocentric understanding of America's foreign policy is now the special province of two ostensibly reputable scholars, John J. Mearsheimer of the University of Chicago and Stephen M. Walt of Harvard University. The two men gained their fame--which is wildly disproportionate to their achievement--last spring, after the publication of an article in the London Review of Books that condemned the activities of Jewish-American supporters of Israel and argued that those activities are responsible for an astounding number of world- historical developments.
In the article, the word "lobby" was ominously capitalized, Robert Ludlum- style, as "the Lobby," to connote the perfect grip of pro-Israel activists upon Washington. In their new book, which builds on (and worsens) that earlier work, Mearsheimer and Walt lower-case the word "lobby," as a small tribute, I suppose, to the reality-based community. They have also excised some of the rougher language of their original blast. They have corrected some, though not all, of their errors of fact. But otherwise the book remains true to the malignant and dishonest spirit of the article. It represents the most sustained attack, the most mainstream attack, against the political enfranchisement of American Jews since the era of Father Coughlin.
The villains in The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy are almost entirely Jewish. Many of the chapters of the book contain extensive lists of Jews (even Rothschilds) who, the authors claim, act against the best interests of the United States. And act effectively: the Israel lobby in this book is an invincible juggernaut. In some of Mearsheimer and Walt's pages, AIPAC resembles SMERSH or THRUSH. The America-Israel Public Affairs Committee, you see, "has an almost unchallenged hold on Congress," and therefore on the United States. (In the London Review article, the "hold" was described as a "stranglehold.")
And how do we know that AIPAC has a hold on Congress? This is a very good question. For Mearsheimer and Walt are so thoroughly under the spell of their own assertions that they do not seem to notice the circular (or more precisely, agitprop) quality of what they have written. Consider a typical sentence: "The real reason why American politicians are so deferential [to Israel] is the political power of the Israel lobby." That is not a proof. That is what requires a proof.
So what are Mearsheimer and Walt's methods? A hasty survey of a vast literature on Israel and the Middle East, clearly unfamiliar to them until very recently, so as to cite every and any remark that suits their purpose, its context or its veracity notwithstanding. Most significantly, and by their own admission, Mearsheimer and Walt did no reporting. They did not interview a single member of Congress for their book about Congress. Perhaps it is beneath them as scholars to behave like journalists. But their methodological arrogance, their failure to meet any serious standard of empirical inquiry, their slavish reliance on second- and third-hand works, is astonishing. The truth of what they say is just completely obvious to them. At an appearance in September at the bookstore Politics and Prose, in Washington, Walt confidently asserted that "I think if we had interviewed every member of Congress and every lobbyist at AIPAC we would not have found a substantially different story than the one we reported." How does he know?
After baldly declaring, in the manner of conspiracy theorists, and over and over again, also in the manner of conspiracy theorists, that AIPAC dominates Congress (at the same time claiming, risibly, that "we do not believe the lobby ... controls important institutions in the United States"), Mearsheimer and Walt then proceed to catalog all the mistakes and the crimes for which AIPAC and the many other groups that make up the pro-Israel lobby are, in their omnipotence, responsible. Mearsheimer and Walt are not alleging the existence of a secret Jewish plot to control American foreign policy; they are alleging the existence of an open Jewish plot to control American foreign policy. The most remarkable of their allegations--this one is actually quite breathtaking--is that the pro-Israel lobby is causally related to the attacks of September 11. They claim that AIPAC's control of Congress forced America into an unnaturally close alliance with Israel, and that this alliance infuriated bin Laden, as well as Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the mastermind of the operation, who acted against America in large part because of its support for Israel.
This is not quite the view, commonly heard in the Arab world, that Israel had a direct hand in the destruction of the World Trade Center; but still it is heinous. The unmistakable message of The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy is that the destruction on September 11 was caused in significant measure by the Jews. "The United States has a terrorism problem in good part because it has long been so supportive of Israel," Mearsheimer and Walt write. "Many people may not realize how much America's one-sided policies have cost it over the years. Not only have these policies helped inspire al-Qaeda, but they have also facilitated its recruitment efforts and contributed to growing anti- Americanism throughout the region." At Politics and Prose, Walt called America's support for Israel "one of the key causes" of "America's terrorist problem." He went on to say that "American policy gives some individuals in the Arab and Islamic world cause to attack the United States as happened on 9/11." Cause! Ponder that word.
Never mind that Mearsheimer and Walt exaggerate the centrality of the Jews in bin Laden's worldview. (The transcript of his September video makes this clear.) Al Qaeda's war on America is only one of three wars that Mearsheimer and Walt blame on Israel and its mainly Jewish supporters. They argue that proIsrael Jews in America were "the principal driving force behind the Bush administration's decision to invade Iraq in 2003"; and they argue that it is only Jewish organizations, and their patrons in the Jewish state, that are now fomenting a war against Iran.
To support their preference for an American-Iranian detente, Mearsheimer and Walt present a spectacularly partial rendering of the pertinent history--they do not even consider that one barrier to better relations with the theocratic dictators in Tehran might be our inconvenient but painful memories of the hostage crisis. And in making their case that it is only Jews who oppose reconciliation with Iran, they neglect to mention, among other things, European opposition to the Iranian nuclear program. Their Judeocentric interpretation of the Iran hawks does not consider the possibility that Nicolas Sarkozy, the president of France, might have been motivated only by French national security interests when he recently said that Iran's obstinacy on the nuclear question would have "catastrophic consequences." Or has AIPAC gotten to him, too? But wait--Sarkozy is one-quarter Jewish. No wonder he is militant about Iran! (Mearsheimer and Walt like to explain the pro-Israel attitudes of American politicians in gross tribal terms. Howard Dean's "unabashed" pro-Israel stance, for example, is explicable when you grasp that "Dean's wife is Jewish and his children were raised Jewish as well.")
Mearsheimer and Walt stretch their Iran argument to the snapping point. They contend that Israeli politicians and their supporters in America exaggerate the existential threat to Israel posed by Iran, because Iranian radicals have not actually called for the elimination of Israel. They assert that "Ahmadinejad's call for Israel to 'vanish from the page of time' (or to be 'erased from the pages of history') is often mistranslated as a call for Israel's physical destruction (i.e. to 'wipe Israel off the map')." Often mistranslated? I wonder how good their own Farsi is. But Al Jazeera--no known Jewish control there--reported in 2005 that at the "World Without Zionism" conference in Tehran, Ahmadinejad declared that "Israel must be wiped off the map." Ahmadinejad's own website described the speech this way: "He further expressed his firm belief that the new wave of confrontations generated in Palestine and the growing turmoil in the Islamic world would in no time wipe Israel away." The official Iranian broadcast service reported that "Iran's President ... on Wednesday called for Israel to be 'wiped off the map.'" Surely there are clearer ways to express a desire for coexistence.
It is mystifying that Mearsheimer and Walt would so easily destroy their own credibility by stating as fact lies that are so easily refuted. Perhaps it is because they have become dedicated enemies of complexity. When did it become legitimate in American political science to explain complicated phenomena by single causes? Not even the blizzard of footnotes at the end of their book can disguise the fact that it is an exercise in simplification. Or is their intellectual imbalance owed to a different pressure--to the rage of the realist, perhaps? Mearsheimer and Walt are prominent advocates of the "realist" approach to foreign policy; and there is nothing a realist despises more, from Henry Kissinger to Samuel Huntington (to whom this book is dedicated), than domestic interference in the crafting of foreign policy. What right does an ignorant and emotional ethnic group have to disrupt the plans of wise statesmen and the analyses of detached academics? But such disruptions are an integral part of the American system--as America's Cubans and Turks and Greeks and, yes, Jews have regularly, and quite legitimately, demonstrated. Mearsheimer and Walt's Judeocentric view of American policy in the Middle East is just a way of pinning the American system that they dislike on the Jews.
The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy is a book of continuous astonishments. Each chapter contains assertions of Jewish misbehavior, or criminality. The history of the ArabIsraeli conflict recounted here is comically one-sided, even by the standards of Israel's revisionist historians. In Mearsheimer and Walt's telling, Israel is perpetually the aggressor; it has never made a serious move toward peace and compromise; and its existence has never been threatened by the Arabs, who are portrayed as out-numbered, out- funded, and under-armed victims of Zionist aggression. The Israel of Mearsheimer and Walt is simply unrecognizable to anyone who is halfway fair and halfway learned about the Middle East. Various scholars have already demolished their recounting of Israeli history, most notably Benny Morris in the pages of this magazine. Morris's research into the origins of the war for Israeli independence in 1948 was put to perverse use by Mearsheimer and Walt, and he reclaimed it with authority. I will not dwell here on their many mistakes and distortions, except to point out two of the most obvious ones: their claim that Israel's Arab neighbors did not hope to destroy the Jewish state in 1967, and their claim that Israel, under the leadership of Ehud Barak, did not offer Yasir Arafat anything fair or interesting at Camp David and Taba in 2000. Both are easily refuted. (An obscure little volume called My Life, by Bill Clinton, makes a quick hash of their account of the peace process.)
Like Jimmy Carter, Mearsheimer and Walt condemn Israel for behaving in an un- Christian manner. "Christian Zionists may believe that biblical prophecy justifies Jewish control of all of Palestine, but other Christian principles--such as Christ's command to 'love thy neighbor as thyself'--are sharply at odds with Israel's treatment of its Palestinian subjects," they piously write. But the Palestinians, of course, love their neighbors. Not willing to undermine their portrait of the Palestinians as lambs before the Jewish wolf, Mearsheimer and Walt only fleetingly acknowledge the existence of Palestinian terrorism (without ever once mentioning the number of Israeli victims of Palestinian terror--or American victims, for that matter), except to observe that Palestinian terrorism was forced on the Palestinians by Israel's unrelenting suppression after the 1967 war. "Not surprisingly, Palestinian resistance has frequently employed terrorism, which is usually how subject populations strike back at powerful occupiers." Such an analysis assumes that the reader is unaware that Palestinian terrorism against Israel predates the 1967 war and the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. It is also an insult to other subject populations: the Kurdish leader Massoud Barzani, in an interview five years ago, was explicit about his rejection of terrorism, saying that "we could have bombed movie theaters in Baghdad and buses like the Palestinians, but we made the decision not to. It would have been wrong." Like so many supporters of the Palestinians, Mearsheimer and Walt have no use for their historical agency. The Palestinians are always responsible for nothing.
In building their case against Israel and its supporters in America, Mearsheimer and Walt prophylactically denounce anti-Semitism. But at the same time they argue that it barely exists, or that its existence has no bearing whatever upon this bitter discussion: "While the charge of anti-Semitism can be an effective smear tactic, it is usually groundless." Usually when, and usually where? No, not all criticism of Israel or AIPAC is anti-Semitic. Wait, let me say that again. No, not all criticism of Israel or AIPAC is anti-Semitic. But the idea that no criticism of Israel or AIPAC is anti-Semitic is just as ridiculous. To proceed with their generalized and somewhat defensive point, Mearsheimer and Walt ignore an abundance of evidence about Europe, including the wellpublicized British parliamentary report on anti-Semitism, issued in September 2006, which found anti-Jewish incitement in Britain to have reached crisis levels. The leader of that parliamentary inquiry, Denis MacShane, wrote in The Washington Post last month that "Europe is reawakening its old demons, but today there is a difference. The old antiSemitism and anti-Zionism have morphed into something more dangerous."
Not so, say Mearsheimer and Walt. The number of anti-Semites in Europe, they write, is "small and their extreme views are rejected by the vast majority of Europeans." They do not deny, though, that "there is anti-Semitism among European Muslims, some of it provoked by Israel's behavior toward the Palestinians and some of it straightforwardly racist." This is a bizarre and foul passage, its foulness easily clarified by a simple act of substitution. Imagine Farrar, Straus and Giroux publishing the following sentence: "We would not deny that there is some racial prejudice among whites, some of it provoked by the misbehavior of AfricanAmericans, and some of it straightforwardly racist. " Mearsheimer and Walt are the sort of scholars who think that if you wish to understand racism, study blacks, and if you wish to understand antiSemitism, study Jews. They are chillingly unaware that such views are complicit with the prejudice that they claim to abhor.
The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy is premised on many such nasty and false ideas, but underpinning them all is the belief that America supports Israel only because the pro-Israel lobby forces it to do so. Mearsheimer and Walt contend--we have heard this contention many times before--that Israel has no strategic or moral value to America, and that a proper foreign policy would cut Israel adrift. What is unfathomable to them is that many Americans, Jewish and otherwise, admire Israel. Forty years of polling has consistently shown that Americans support Israel in its conflict with the Arabs. Why? There are a multitude of plausible reasons. Both Israel and America were founded by refugees from European religious intolerance; both are rooted in a common religious tradition; Israel is a lively democracy in a part of the world that lacks democracy; Israelis seem self-reliant in the manner of American pioneers; and Israel's enemies, in many cases, seem to be America's enemies as well. And perhaps some obstreperous Americans side with Israel simply because the radical Islamists demand that they stop.
None of these possible explanations has penetrated the minds of Mearsheimer and Walt. There is only one cause for America's support for Israel, they say: the lobby, its money, its muscle, its effectiveness at suppressing dissent about its activities and about the depth of Israel's crimes and strategic uselessness. (More about dissent in a moment.) The ultimate lesson of this book is that America must free itself from the shackles of the pro-Israel lobby. It is this message, more than any other, that makes Mearsheimer and Walt the heirs of a certain American current. In 1940, Joseph P. Kennedy went to Hollywood to address its mostly Jewish studio chiefs. As recounted in Neal Gabler's An Empire of Their Own: How the Jews Invented Hollywood, Kennedy told his lunch audience to "stop making anti-Nazi pictures or using the film medium to promote or show sympathy to the cause of the 'democracies' versus the 'dictators.'" He told the executives that the Jews were already being blamed for the war. His bullying was effective: the studio chiefs, uneasy about their ethnic heritage and therefore susceptible to the call of assimilation, were frightened into compliance by his message, until America entered the war a year later. Mearsheimer and Walt have set themselves a similar goal: to convince non-Jews that their Jewish fellow citizens do not have their best interests at heart, and, further, to harass or to rattle or to embarrass American Jews into silence. Their book is not an act of scholarship, but an act of intimidation.
But wait. Isn't AIPAC the one that is in the business of intimidation? "The lobby has gone to considerable lengths to shape public discourse about Israel by putting pressure on the media and academia and by establishing a tangible presence in influential foreign policy think tanks," Mearsheimer and Walt insist. "Efforts to shape public perceptions often include charging critics of Israel with anti-Semitism." The publication of their article in the London Review of Books certainly provoked controversy. It was designed to provoke controversy. But our heroes' skin proved too thin for controversy. Though they were extensively praised in Europe, where everybody is of course much saner because they are beyond AIPAC's reach, Mearsheimer and Walt experienced a good deal of withering criticism in America. (And also some fair, even generous coverage here, including a credulous Washington Post Magazine cover story about their work.) And yet their ideas have been widely debated and discussed. And yet they received a dizzying advance to turn their essay into this book. And yet their book is already a best-seller.
They claim that they themselves are victims of the pro-Israel lobby, but the existence of their book, and the sensation that attends it, rather negates their self-pity. I mean, somehow The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy slipped past the lobby. When I visited Amazon.com to check the book's ranking a few weeks ago--it was at number thirty five--I learned that customers who bought it also purchased The Power of Israel in the United States; Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History; They Dare Speak Out: People and Institutions Confront Israel's Lobby; and of course Jimmy Carter's Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. So there is a literature of this sort, and a market for it. And yet in their own minds--this is the comic dimension of this sad story--Mearsheimer and Walt are dissidents. They portray themselves, and the many American critics of the pro-Israel lobby, as free-speech martyrs. In this way the fellows at number thirty-five resemble their idol Jimmy Carter, who complained about being muzzled even as his book was climbing the best- seller lists. They seem to think that anybody who disagrees with what they say is denying their right to say it. The truth is that most of Mearsheimer and Walt's critics do not want to suppress their ideas. They merely want to refute them.
The pro-Israel lobby, Mearsheimer and Walt contend, goes to any length to steer media coverage in Israel's favor: "If the media were left to their own devices, they would not serve up as consistent a diet of pro-Israel coverage and commentary." And whose devices, precisely, are they left up to? We are awfully close to the Elders of Z. here. Mearsheimer and Walt's opinion that the press in America is robotically pro-Israel only betrays their ignorance of the American press. They are apparently unacquainted with the work of the editorial boards of, say, The New York Times and The Boston Globe. They might recall the life and work of the late Peter Jennings. They identify such columnists as Richard Cohen of The Washington Post and Thomas L. Friedman of The New York Times as Israeli sympathizers, which is true in the sense that Cohen and Friedman do not support the murder of Israeli civilians or the extinction of the Israeli state. But when Friedman's words suit their own tendency, when he writes critically of Israeli policy, they cite him. So Friedman is an agent of Israeli interests, except when he is not. At his Politics and Prose talk, Walt said that American columnists represent a narrow spectrum of opinion on Israel. "If you look at punditry in the U.S., there's no equivalent of a Robert Fisk or a Patrick Seale," he said. This is true, but I cannot lament the loss. Patrick Seale is the court biographer of the Assad family, and the author of a book that identifies Abu Nidal, a mass murderer of Jews, as an Israeli agent; and Robert Fisk is a rabid anti-Zionist who has lately made common cause with the September 11 conspiracy movement.
Mearsheimer and Walt argue that the pro-Israel groups have gone to dangerous and unprecedented lengths to shut down "honest" debate--one that would presumably credit the ideas of such fearless truth-tellers as Fisk and Seale--about Israel. They provide numerous examples. "Jewish Voice for Peace was denied a booth at a major Jewish community event in the San Francisco area on the grounds that it was insufficiently supportive of Israel, and the Hillel chapter at the University of Texas refused to give an organization called Jewish Students for Palestinian Rights space to conduct a study group." And "pro-Israel groups were more active shaping media coverage than pro-Arab groups were; in 1970, for example, the Conference of Presidents distributed press kits (complete with photos and feature stories) to more than seventeen hundred newspapers and to major wire services." And "to discourage unfavorable reporting on Israel, groups in the lobby organize letter-writing campaigns, demonstrations, and boycotts against news outlets whose content they consider anti-Israel." And "following the publication of our original article ... the president of the War College received phone calls from several members of Congress who questioned whether it was appropriate to have us speak at the conference. To his credit, the president took no action in response to these calls and we appeared without incident." And "a subsequent invitation to Walt to speak in a lecture series at the University of Montana also provoked heated denunciations by several faculty members, who began a protracted but unsuccessful campaign to have the faculty coordinator of the lecture series removed from his post." Booths, press kits, letters, phone calls. Get it? The chilling pattern is clear. First they come for the faculty coordinator of the lecture series at the University of Montana, then they come for you.
There is an interesting book to be written about the power of AIPAC, and other pro-Israel lobbying groups, in Washington. There is also a book to be written about the moral failings of Israel's occupation of Palestinian lands. I myself wrote a version of that latter book. But my recoil from Israel's settlement policy was not a recoil from Israel itself: I remain a believer in the legitimacy and the necessity of a national home for the Jewish people. I regard territorial compromise, and the establishment of the state of Palestine alongside the state of Israel, as the only solution to this savage conflict. And I am not much of a believer in AIPAC.
I have three reasons for my distaste for AIPAC. The first is a matter of style: AIPAC's leaders tend toward glibness and certitude, when the Middle East is a dense and ambiguous place. The second is that I dislike single-issue lobbies and single-issue politics--the duties of American citizenship require more than that; and I worry about the distorting impact of money in political campaigns. The third is that AIPAC has leaned rightward in recent years, and today seeks to drum up support for policies that do not seem to me to be in Israel's best interests. On the issue of aid to Israel, AIPAC reflexively seeks from Congress generous grants that also do not seem to me to be in Israel's best interests. It is true that economic aid is being phased out, but military assistance is being increased--Israel receives about
$3 billion a year in direct aid, although it has become a well-off country (even if the numbers of its poor are scandalously high). As an American taxpayer, I would rather see some of that money go to poorer countries. And I tend to think that Israel would be better off--more independent, more responsible with its own money--if it paid for American weaponry out of its own treasury, rather than with American aid money. I believe Israel should slowly wean itself from American aid, but AIPAC first has to agree to this.
Now, none of these criticisms requires any courage on my part. Indeed, these opinions are all widely held and widely debated within the exceedingly unmonolithic Jewish community, and they betray no particular animus toward the Jewish state. (Mearsheimer and Walt have no grasp whatsoever of the diversity of American Jewish life. In a single sentence, they identify the Zionist Organization of America, which is run by the revanchist Morton Klein, and the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism, which is run by the progressive David Saperstein, as interchangeable cogs of the pro-Israeli machine.) Mearsheimer and Walt are for the two-state solution, which is banal but fine. Yet when did support for the two-state solution require support for a Jewish conspiracy theory? Why couldn't these formerly credible scholars have made their criticisms of AIPAC and of Israel without demonizing Jews and demonizing Israel? And do they know anything, anything at all, about lobbies in the nation's capital?
Of course AIPAC acts forcefully, even arrogantly: for lobbyists, that is one definition of professional success. Several years ago, at dinner with Steven Rosen, who was the foreign policy chief of AIPAC until he came under suspicion of passing American secrets to Israel (he has not yet been brought to trial), I mentioned the controversy involving a former president of AIPAC who was caught on tape bragging that he had "cut a deal" with the first Bush administration to provide higher levels of aid to Israel. I asked Rosen if AIPAC suffered from the affair. He reached across the table. "You see this napkin?" he said. "In twenty-four hours, we could have the signatures of seventy senators on this napkin." As I say, arrogant. But there are a hundred or more lobbyists in Washington who could pull off the napkin trick: lobbyists for the gun lobby, and for oil companies and pharmaceutical companies, and for the anti-Castro lobby and the Saudi lobby. And try getting any administration to challenge China's record on human rights. For China, the town is wired in a way that must fill AIPAC with envy. Say the word "China" in Washington, and congressmen, lobbyists, and Cabinet officials all hear the same thing: "summer home."
Mearsheimer and Walt write about the lobbying activities of AIPAC and other Jewish lobbying and advocacy groups as if they had never set foot in the capital. Here is their description of the way in which AIPAC and other pro- Israel groups do their work: "In addition to direct lobbying on Capitol Hill, the lobby rewards or punishes politicians largely through an ability to guide the flow of campaign contributions. Organizations in the lobby also put pressure on the executive branch through a number of mechanisms, including working through government officials who are sympathetic to their views." Imagine that!
One of the most serious charges that Mearsheimer and Walt level at AIPAC and its neoconservative fellow travelers is that they were indispensable in pushing America to invade Iraq. There is no doubt that neoconservatives agitated for the war, and that many neoconservatives are Jews; and there is no doubt that there were Jews, in and out of the Bush administration, who argued for the invasion of Iraq, including Paul Wolfowitz, Scooter Libby, Douglas Feith, and Richard Perle. Is that really all we need to know about the origins of the war? There were also some Christians at the scene, including George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Condoleezza Rice, Colin Powell, Stephen Hadley, and Richard Myers. Some of those Christians were even in positions to order the invasion!
The assertion that the Iraq war would not have happened except for the lobbying of Jews is an echo of an ancient idea spread by anti-Jewish ideologues: that Jews, operating in the shadows, manipulate gentile leaders to unknowingly advance Jewish interests. In order to believe this in the case of Iraq, the argument would have to be made that Bush, Cheney, and Rumsfeld were not merely idiots, but also uninterested in ruling. A couple of years ago I asked Rumsfeld to comment on accusations that the Jewish lobby maneuvered the administration into war. "I suppose the implication of that is the president and the vice president and myself and Colin Powell just fell off a turnip truck to take these jobs," he said. But Mearsheimer and Walt mention Cheney and Rumsfeld only for fleeting instants in their discussion of the origins of the war. They seem to think that William Kristol is the commander in chief.
The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy further asserts that the Israeli government itself had been arguing vociferously for an American invasion of Iraq since 2001. Mearsheimer and Walt point to public-opinion polls that showed that, across the globe, only the civilian populations of Israel and Kuwait supported the war. They write as if mystified by these findings. It is worth noting that both Kuwait and Israel had been attacked by Saddam Hussein--Kuwait by his army, Israel by his missile force. Perhaps this explains the poll results. And yet the fact is that the Israelis, and the pro-Israel lobby, were focused mainly on the threat from Iran, not Iraq, during the first years of this decade. AIPAC supported the administration in its pursuit of Saddam Hussein, but only after the invasion seemed to be a fait accompli. Last month, in an interview, Lawrence Wilkerson, who was Colin Powell's chief of staff at the State Department, and who is an adversary of administration neoconservatives, told me that Israel had been consistently warning the administration that Iran was the main threat, not Iraq. "The Israelis tried their best to persuade us that we were focused on the wrong enemy," he said, "and that they were very leery of destroying the balance of power in the Middle East. But once they understood that we were going to war, come hell or high water, they weren't going to get on the wrong side of the president of the United States." (Wilkerson, of course, makes no appearance in this book.)
And yet even the charge that Jewish organizations took us to war in Iraq is not the low point in Mearsheimer and Walt's book. Its most sinister accomplishment is surely the accusation that Al Qaeda attacked America because America supports the Jewish state. Again, Mearsheimer and Walt are convinced that the America-Israel connection is what moves bin Laden. At Politics and Prose, Mearsheimer uttered this remarkable statement: "Osama bin Laden wanted very much to make sure that the attacks struck at Congress, which he saw--quite correctly--as the location of the critical support of the United States for Israel." Mearsheimer seemed pleased, rather than appalled, that bin Laden's analysis of Congress's priorities squared so perfectly with his own.
Yes, bin Laden has Jews on the brain. But he also obsesses about much else. Don't trust me on this; trust the (non-Jewish) experts. "You could take Israel out of the equation and Al Qaeda would still want to attack us," Lawrence Wright, the author of The Looming Tower, told me. "Israel is a tremendously powerful recruiting tool, but there are people who are drawn to Al Qaeda for many different motivations. For Zawahiri, the main goal was Egypt. For bin Laden, the main goal was to expel American troops from Saudi Arabia." Richard Clarke, the Al Qaeda expert in the Clinton and Bush administrations, said that "if you look at Al Qaeda's own writing and their public statements, Israel was not a major theme. What they say is pretty clear. They want to eliminate the presence of the 'far enemy'--us--from the Islamic world, because the far enemy props up the 'near enemy,' the moderate Arab states. If they increase the pain on us, they believe that they can topple the Arab regimes. If Israel didn't exist, they'd be doing the same thing." And Peter Bergen, the Al Qaeda expert at the New America Foundation--one of just three Washington think tanks that Mearsheimer and Walt praise for escaping the control of the Israel lobby--told me that, while the Israel-Arab conflict provides strong recruitment, "Pakistan is the epicenter of planning and training, and the Kashmir conflict is the strong engine there." Mearsheimer and Walt claim that the "Zionist-Crusader alliance," the Al Qaeda shorthand for Islam's main enemy, is a reference to the pro-Israel lobby and its Christian Zionist allies in Washington. Bergen disagrees. "I never take it to mean AIPAC. It means Jews, Christians, the People of the Book, the entire West. It's a big concept. I can't remember bin Laden ever mentioning AIPAC."
In their discussion of these matters, Mearsheimer and Walt seem not just mendacious but also shallow. They are dilettantes in the subject, tourists in the conflict. Consider an example. After cherry-picking quotations from jihadists to support the view that America's ties to Israel brought us the attacks of September 11, they raise the subject of Sayyid Qutb's anti- Americanism. Qutb was a terribly important Egyptian Islamist, and Al Qaeda's main intellectual inspiration. Mearsheimer and Walt instruct that "Sayyid Qutb, the Egyptian dissident whose writings have been an important inspiration for contemporary Islamic fundamentalists, was hostile to the United States both because he saw it as a corrupt and licentious society and also because of U.S. support for Israel." But wait. Qutb was executed by the Egyptian government in 1966, almost a year before the Six Day War. It was not until after that war that America replaced France as Israel's chief protector and armssupplier. In fact, throughout the 1950s, the Eisenhower administration was often quite hostile to Israel. So Qutb's objection, then, was not to American support for Israel, but to American recognition of Israel. If this is the case, then Islamist anger at America predates our support for the usurping Zionists. And if this is so, then Al Qaeda would have attacked the United States whether or not America was Israel's patron, and whether or not the pro-Israel lobby existed. Therefore, as far-fetched as this may seem, the Jews should not be blamed for the attack on the World Trade Center.
One would think that the editors at Farrar, Straus and Giroux might have harpooned this leviathan of a contradiction before it reached print. Unless of course you believe, as I do, that Farrar, Straus and Giroux has all along been allowing Mearsheimer and Walt to undermine their own credibility by promoting their abysmal arguments about Jewish power. The publishing house, you see, is not known to be a part of the Jewish lobby, but its owner, the German company Holtzbrinck, has been emphatically friendly to Israel, in part out of guilt that its founder was a Nazi. Remember, everything is not what it seems. This book about a malevolent conspiracy may itself be the work of a benevolent conspiracy. I mean, cui bono? Who really benefits from making anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism seem so indefensible? Come to think of it, the name Mearsheimer does have a bit of a Jewish ring.
you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane
Ok, again, deal with the ideas expressed. It shouldn't matter who the author is, just the cogency of what he has to say. If you don't want to read what I've posted no one is making you, but it seems kind of telling that you insist on being able to check the credentials of the piece before engaging with what it has to say. Almost as if you need to know from the outset whether you agree or disagree with what is written, which is, quite obviously, somewhat the reverse of how it is normally done, but then I don't really expect normal in these discussions.
you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane
Ok, again, deal with the ideas expressed. It shouldn't matter who the author is, just the cogency of what he has to say. If you don't want to read what I've posted no one is making you, but it seems kind of telling that you insist on being able to check the credentials of the piece before engaging with what it has to say. Almost as if you need to know from the outset whether you agree or disagree with what is written, which is, quite obviously, somewhat the reverse of how it is normally done, but then I don't really expect normal in these discussions.
I think it's telling that you want to hide the authors name and the source of the article. If a link, or title and name is included then I'll read it. If there's no link, title or authors name, then I won't. Period.
If you don't want to read the piece then don't read it. I'd prefer that people come to the arguments made without preconceived notions based only on the identity of the author and publication. That, to me, seems to be the honest way to engage ideas.
you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane
If you don't want to read the piece then don't read it. I'd prefer that people come to the arguments made without preconceived notions based only on the identity of the author and publication. That, to me, seems to be the honest way to engage ideas.
Maybe you should try telling that to every single News organization and publishing house.
News organizations and publishing houses don't print the name of the author so that people can use the information as an ideological litmus test. They do so so that the author can be credited for what he has written.
you couldn't swing if you were hangin' from a palm tree in a hurricane
News organizations and publishing houses don't print the name of the author so that people can use the information as an ideological litmus test. They do so so that the author can be credited for what he has written.
Comments
people said the exact same thing when i said the iraq war was about oil contracts, arms sales and reconstruction projects ... those same people don't think it is so wild-eyed ... but hey - arms sales are gonna boom in the middle east ... must be the market swing ... :roll:
"Well, you tell him that I don't talk to suckas."
see ... i would consider that wild-eyed and good PR on biased people ...
can we get real for maybe five minutes and think about how absolutely fucking stupid iran would be to invade anyone in that region? the iranian leader may be a trash talking loon, but he is no fool and is not foolish enough to invade any of his neighbors.
and by "people being told to be scared" i was referring to the west.
"Well, you tell him that I don't talk to suckas."
http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n16/henry-sieg ... ocess-scam
The Great Middle East Peace Process Scam
Henry Siegman
When Ehud Olmert and George W. Bush met at the White House in June, they concluded that Hamas’s violent ousting of Fatah from Gaza – which brought down the Palestinian national unity government brokered by the Saudis in Mecca in March – had presented the world with a new ‘window of opportunity’.[*] (Never has a failed peace process enjoyed so many windows of opportunity.) Hamas’s isolation in Gaza, Olmert and Bush agreed, would allow them to grant generous concessions to the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, giving him the credibility he needed with the Palestinian people in order to prevail over Hamas.
Both Bush and Olmert have spoken endlessly of their commitment to a two-state solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict, but it is their determination to bring down Hamas rather than to build up a Palestinian state that animates their new-found enthusiasm for making Abbas look good. That is why their expectation that Hamas will be defeated is illusory. Palestinian moderates will never prevail over those considered extremists, since what defines moderation for Olmert is Palestinian acquiescence in Israel’s dismemberment of Palestinian territory. In the end, what Olmert and his government are prepared to offer Palestinians will be rejected by Abbas no less than by Hamas, and will only confirm to Palestinians the futility of Abbas’s moderation and justify its rejection by Hamas. Equally illusory are Bush’s expectations of what will be achieved by the conference he recently announced would be held in the autumn (it has now been downgraded to a ‘meeting’). In his view, all previous peace initiatives have failed largely, if not exclusively, because Palestinians were not ready for a state of their own. The meeting will therefore focus narrowly on Palestinian institution-building and reform, under the tutelage of Tony Blair, the Quartet’s newly appointed envoy.
In fact, all previous peace initiatives have got nowhere for a reason that neither Bush nor the EU has had the political courage to acknowledge. That reason is the consensus reached long ago by Israel’s decision-making elites that Israel will never allow the emergence of a Palestinian state which denies it effective military and economic control of the West Bank. To be sure, Israel would allow – indeed, it would insist on – the creation of a number of isolated enclaves that Palestinians could call a state, but only in order to prevent the creation of a binational state in which Palestinians would be the majority.
The Middle East peace process may well be the most spectacular deception in modern diplomatic history. Since the failed Camp David summit of 2000, and actually well before it, Israel’s interest in a peace process – other than for the purpose of obtaining Palestinian and international acceptance of the status quo – has been a fiction that has served primarily to provide cover for its systematic confiscation of Palestinian land and an occupation whose goal, according to the former IDF chief of staff Moshe Ya’alon, is ‘to sear deep into the consciousness of Palestinians that they are a defeated people’. In his reluctant embrace of the Oslo Accords, and his distaste for the settlers, Yitzhak Rabin may have been the exception to this, but even he did not entertain a return of Palestinian territory beyond the so-called Allon Plan, which allowed Israel to retain the Jordan Valley and other parts of the West Bank.
Anyone familiar with Israel’s relentless confiscations of Palestinian territory – based on a plan devised, overseen and implemented by Ariel Sharon – knows that the objective of its settlement enterprise in the West Bank has been largely achieved. Gaza, the evacuation of whose settlements was so naively hailed by the international community as the heroic achievement of a man newly committed to an honourable peace with the Palestinians, was intended to serve as the first in a series of Palestinian bantustans. Gaza’s situation shows us what these bantustans will look like if their residents do not behave as Israel wants.
Israel’s disingenuous commitment to a peace process and a two-state solution is precisely what has made possible its open-ended occupation and dismemberment of Palestinian territory. And the Quartet – with the EU, the UN secretary general and Russia obediently following Washington’s lead – has collaborated with and provided cover for this deception by accepting Israel’s claim that it has been unable to find a deserving Palestinian peace partner.
Just one year after the 1967 war, Moshe Dayan, a former IDF chief of staff who at the time was minister of defence, described his plan for the future as ‘the current reality in the territories’. ‘The plan,’ he said, ‘is being implemented in actual fact. What exists today must remain as a permanent arrangement in the West Bank.’ Ten years later, at a conference in Tel Aviv, Dayan said: ‘The question is not “What is the solution?” but “How do we live without a solution?”’ Geoffrey Aronson, who has monitored the settlement enterprise from its beginnings, summarises the situation as follows:
Living without a solution, then as now, was understood by Israel as the key to maximising the benefits of conquest while minimising the burdens and dangers of retreat or formal annexation. This commitment to the status quo, however, disguised a programme of expansion that generations of Israeli leaders supported as enabling, through Israeli settlement, the dynamic transformation of the territories and the expansion of effective Israeli sovereignty to the Jordan River.
In an interview in Ha’aretz in 2004, Dov Weissglas, chef de cabinet to the then prime minister, Ariel Sharon, described the strategic goal of Sharon’s diplomacy as being to secure the support of the White House and Congress for Israeli measures that would place the peace process and Palestinian statehood in ‘formaldehyde’. It is a fiendishly appropriate metaphor: formaldehyde uniquely prevents the deterioration of dead bodies, and sometimes creates the illusion that they are still alive. Weissglas explains that the purpose of Sharon’s unilateral withdrawal from Gaza, and the dismantling of several isolated settlements in the West Bank, was to gain US acceptance of Israel’s unilateralism, not to set a precedent for an eventual withdrawal from the West Bank. The limited withdrawals were intended to provide Israel with the political room to deepen and widen its presence in the West Bank, and that is what they achieved. In a letter to Sharon, Bush wrote: ‘In light of new realities on the ground, including already existing major Israeli population centres, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949.’
In a recent interview in Ha’aretz, James Wolfensohn, who was the Quartet’s representative at the time of the Gaza disengagement, said that Israel and the US had systematically undermined the agreement he helped forge in 2005 between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, and had instead turned Gaza into a vast prison. The official behind this, he told Ha’aretz, was Elliott Abrams, the deputy national security adviser. ‘Every aspect’ of the agreement Wolfensohn had brokered ‘was abrogated’.
Another recent interview in Ha’aretz, with Haggai Alon, who was a senior adviser to Amir Peretz at the Ministry of Defence, is even more revealing. Alon accuses the IDF (whose most senior officers increasingly are themselves settlers) of working clandestinely to further the settlers’ interests. The IDF, Alon says, ignores the Supreme Court’s instructions about the path the so-called security fence should follow, instead ‘setting a route that will not enable the establishment of a Palestinian state’. Alon told Ha’aretz that when in 2005 politicians signed an agreement with the Palestinians to ease restrictions on Palestinians travelling in the territories (part of the deal that Wolfensohn had worked on), the IDF eased them for settlers instead. For Palestinians, the number of checkpoints doubled. According to Alon, the IDF is ‘carrying out an apartheid policy’ that is emptying Hebron of Arabs and Judaising (his term) the Jordan Valley, while it co-operates openly with the settlers in an attempt to make a two-state solution impossible.
A new UN map of the West Bank, produced by the Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, gives a comprehensive picture of the situation. Israeli civilian and military infrastructure has rendered 40 per cent of the territory off limits to Palestinians. The rest of the territory, including major population centres such as Nablus and Jericho, is split into enclaves; movement between them is restricted by 450 roadblocks and 70 manned checkpoints. The UN found that what remains is an area very similar to that set aside for the Palestinian population in Israeli security proposals in the aftermath of the 1967 war. It also found that changes now underway to the infrastructure of the territories – including a network of highways that bypass and isolate Palestinian towns – would serve to formalise the de facto cantonisation of the West Bank.
These are the realities on the ground that the uninformed and/or cynical blather in Jerusalem, Washington and Brussels – about waiting for Palestinians to reform their institutions, democratise their culture, dismantle the ‘infrastructures of terror’ and halt all violence and incitement before peace negotiations can begin – seeks to drown out. Given the vast power imbalance between Israel and the Palestinians – not to mention the vast preponderance of diplomatic support enjoyed by Israel from precisely those countries that one would have expected to compensate diplomatically for the military imbalance – nothing will change for the better without the US, the EU and other international actors finally facing up to what have long been the fundamental impediments to peace.
These impediments include the assumption, implicit in Israel’s occupation policy, that if no peace agreement is reached, the ‘default setting’ of UN Security Council Resolution 242 is the indefinite continuation of Israel’s occupation. If this reading were true, the resolution would actually be inviting an occupying power that wishes to retain its adversary’s territory to do so simply by means of avoiding peace talks – which is exactly what Israel has been doing. In fact, the introductory statement to Resolution 242 declares that territory cannot be acquired by war, implying that if the parties cannot reach agreement, the occupier must withdraw to the status quo ante: that, logically, is 242’s default setting. Had there been a sincere intention on Israel’s part to withdraw from the territories, surely forty years should have been more than enough time in which to reach an agreement.
Israel’s contention has long been that since no Palestinian state existed before the 1967 war, there is no recognised border to which Israel can withdraw, because the pre-1967 border was merely an armistice line. Moreover, since Resolution 242 calls for a ‘just and lasting peace’ that will allow ‘every state in the area [to] live in security’, Israel holds that it must be allowed to change the armistice line, either bilaterally or unilaterally, to make it secure before it ends the occupation. This is a specious argument for many reasons, but principally because UN General Assembly Partition Resolution 181 of 1947, which established the Jewish state’s international legitimacy, also recognised the remaining Palestinian territory outside the new state’s borders as the equally legitimate patrimony of Palestine’s Arab population on which they were entitled to establish their own state, and it mapped the borders of that territory with great precision. Resolution 181’s affirmation of the right of Palestine’s Arab population to national self-determination was based on normative law and the democratic principles that grant statehood to the majority population. (At the time, Arabs constituted two-thirds of the population in Palestine.) This right does not evaporate because of delays in its implementation.
In the course of a war launched by Arab countries that sought to prevent the implementation of the UN partition resolution, Israel enlarged its territory by 50 per cent. If it is illegal to acquire territory as a result of war, then the question now cannot conceivably be how much additional Palestinian territory Israel may confiscate, but rather how much of the territory it acquired in the course of the war of 1948 it is allowed to retain. At the very least, if ‘adjustments’ are to be made to the 1949 armistice line, these should be made on Israel’s side of that line, not the Palestinians’.
Clearly, the obstacle to resolving the Israel-Palestine conflict has not been a dearth of peace initiatives or peace envoys. Nor has it been the violence to which Palestinians have resorted in their struggle to rid themselves of Israel’s occupation, even when that violence has despicably targeted Israel’s civilian population. It is not to sanction the murder of civilians to observe that such violence occurs, sooner or later, in most situations in which a people’s drive for national self-determination is frustrated by an occupying power. Indeed, Israel’s own struggle for national independence was no exception. According to the historian Benny Morris, in this conflict it was the Irgun that first targeted civilians. In Righteous Victims, Morris writes that the upsurge of Arab terrorism in 1937 ‘triggered a wave of Irgun bombings against Arab crowds and buses, introducing a new dimension to the conflict.’ While in the past Arabs had ‘sniped at cars and pedestrians and occasionally lobbed a grenade, often killing or injuring a few bystanders or passengers’, now ‘for the first time, massive bombs were placed in crowded Arab centres, and dozens of people were indiscriminately murdered and maimed.’ Morris notes that ‘this “innovation” soon found Arab imitators.’
Underlying Israel’s efforts to retain the occupied territories is the fact that it has never really considered the West Bank as occupied territory, despite its pro forma acceptance of that designation. Israelis see the Palestinian areas as ‘contested’ territory to which they have claims no less compelling than the Palestinians, international law and UN resolutions notwithstanding. This is a view that was made explicit for the first time by Sharon in an op-ed essay published on the front page of the New York Times on 9 June 2002. The use of the biblical designations of Judea and Samaria to describe the territories, terms which were formerly employed only by the Likud but are now de rigueur for Labour Party stalwarts as well, is a reflection of a common Israeli view. That the former prime minister Ehud Barak (now Olmert’s defence minister) endlessly describes the territorial proposals he made at the Camp David summit as expressions of Israel’s ‘generosity’, and never as an acknowledgment of Palestinian rights, is another example of this mindset. Indeed, the term ‘Palestinian rights’ seems not to exist in Israel’s lexicon.
The problem is not, as Israelis often claim, that Palestinians do not know how to compromise. (Another former prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, famously complained that ‘Palestinians take and take while Israel gives and gives.’) That is an indecent charge, since the Palestinians made much the most far-reaching compromise of all when the PLO formally accepted the legitimacy of Israel within the 1949 armistice border. With that concession, Palestinians ceded their claim to more than half the territory that the UN’s partition resolution had assigned to its Arab inhabitants. They have never received any credit for this wrenching concession, made years before Israel agreed that Palestinians had a right to statehood in any part of Palestine. The notion that further border adjustments should be made at the expense of the 22 per cent of the territory that remains to the Palestinians is deeply offensive to them, and understandably so.
Nonetheless, the Palestinians agreed at the Camp David summit to adjustments to the pre-1967 border that would allow large numbers of West Bank settlers – about 70 per cent – to remain within the Jewish state, provided they received comparable territory on Israel’s side of the border. Barak rejected this. To be sure, in the past the Palestinian demand of a right of return was a serious obstacle to a peace agreement. But the Arab League’s peace initiative of 2002 leaves no doubt that Arab countries will accept a nominal and symbolic return of refugees into Israel in numbers approved by Israel, with the overwhelming majority repatriated in the new Palestinian state, their countries of residence, or in other countries prepared to receive them.
It is the failure of the international community to reject (other than in empty rhetoric) Israel’s notion that the occupation and the creation of ‘facts on the ground’ can go on indefinitely, so long as there is no agreement that is acceptable to Israel, that has defeated all previous peace initiatives and the efforts of all peace envoys. Future efforts will meet the same fate if this fundamental issue is not addressed.
What is required for a breakthrough is the adoption by the Security Council of a resolution affirming the following: 1. Changes to the pre-1967 situation can be made only by agreement between the parties. Unilateral measures will not receive international recognition. 2. The default setting of Resolution 242, reiterated by Resolution 338, the 1973 ceasefire resolution, is a return by Israel’s occupying forces to the pre-1967 border. 3. If the parties do not reach agreement within 12 months (the implementation of agreements will obviously take longer), the default setting will be invoked by the Security Council. The Security Council will then adopt its own terms for an end to the conflict, and will arrange for an international force to enter the occupied territories to help establish the rule of law, assist Palestinians in building their institutions, assure Israel’s security by preventing cross-border violence, and monitor and oversee the implementation of terms for an end to the conflict.
If the US and its allies were to take a stand forceful enough to persuade Israel that it will not be allowed to make changes to the pre-1967 situation except by agreement with the Palestinians in permanent status negotiations, there would be no need for complicated peace formulas or celebrity mediators to get a peace process underway. The only thing that an envoy such as Blair can do to put the peace process back on track is to speak the truth about the real impediment to peace. This would also be a historic contribution to the Jewish state, since Israel’s only hope of real long-term security is to have a successful Palestinian state as its neighbour.
Thursday 23 September 2010
'...Obama reiterated the traditional US commitment to the state of Israel and told supporters of an independent Palestinian state to "stop trying to tear Israel down".
...and Jesus wept.
take a good look
this could be the day
hold my hand
lie beside me
i just need to say
and we can have a thread of bitching and moaning because Obamas half aunt used tax payers money while she stayed illegally in the U.S. (even though she's been granted legal residency now), and yet barely a murmur that billions of American dollars are funding Israels illegal occupation of ordinary Palestinian people every single damn day.
it's insane. crazy. your priorities are so wrong.
Wow B, I think the same thing about you.
:yawn:
"Discuss the topic, not the people discussing the topic. No personal comments....."
Middle East peace talks stall as US fails to sway Israel over settlements
Process 'in crisis', says Mahmoud Abbas, as Binyamin Netanyahu refuses to back down on settlement freeze
* Ian Black and Ewen MacAskill in Washington
* guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 8 December 2010
Palestinians and Israelis were tonight blaming each other for sabotaging peace talks after the US admitted it had failed to persuade Binyamin Netanyahu to freeze West Bank settlements to allow stalled negotiations to resume.
Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, who had insisted on a new moratorium on settlements before returning to direct negotiations, agreed the peace process was now "in crisis".
Abbas is due in Cairo on Thursday to consult the Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak, and the Arab League. Egypt's foreign minister, Ahmed Aboul Gheit, said discussions should now shift to an "endgame" for resolving the issue.
Palestinian spokesmen expressed dismay at the news that the Obama administration had formally decided to abandon its efforts to persuade Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, to ignore rightwing critics and back down over settlements.
The US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, is expected to insist in a speech in Washington on Friday that the US will not walk away from attempts to secure peace and the Obama administration remains committed to seeking a solution.
In the Middle East, Mustafa Barghouti, a member of the Palestinian parliament, told al-Jazeera TV: "If the US fails to pressure Israel to abide by what … the international community demands – a complete freeze to settlement activities – then there is no peace process and the reason for this is Israel."
Yasser Abed Rabbo, of the PLO executive committee, said: "The policy and efforts of the US administration failed because of the blow it received from the Israeli government."
But Israel's cabinet secretary, Tzvi Hauser, warned: "The Palestinians need to understand, as the Americans do, that it is unacceptable for either side to set pre-conditions."
Tony Blair, representing the Quartet of United Nations, United States, European Union and Russia, called the US decision "sensible … in the light of the impasse that we reached."
Abbas had insisted there should be a halt to building outposts in the West Bank and East Jerusalem – with Israel seeking to exclude the latter from any freeze – before agreeing to resume direct talks.
But there was no immediate sign that the PLO was preparing to pull out of talks, as its Islamist rival Hamas insisted it should. The US Middle East envoy, George Mitchell, is reportedly planning to meet separately with PLO and Israeli negotiators in the coming days. "We have been pursuing a moratorium as a means to create conditions for a return to meaningful and sustained negotiations," Philip Crowley, the state department spokesman, told reporters in a televised press briefing in New York City. "After a considerable effort, we have concluded that this does not create a firm basis to work towards our shared goal of a framework agreement."
Crowley denied that the US had been distracted by the WikiLeaks release of diplomatic cables.
Aaron David Miller, a Washington-based Middle East analyst who advised six secretaries of state, said he expected Clinton to concentrate in her speech mainly on the background to the US peace efforts rather than a new blueprint.
Miller, author of The Much Too Promised Land: America's Elusive Search for Arab-Israeli Peace, said: "The administration now has some pretty bad options. One is walking away and the other is laying out your own policy. Neither is possible. The middle way is to talk quietly to both sides on borders and security, and you might get traction and then conceivably work on Jerusalem and refugees."
He said domestic problems for the Israeli government, the Palestinians and the Obama administration do not bode well for a deal. "The Obama administration has so many headaches: jobs, the Republican party will have more senators, bogged down in two wars. The question for the administration is how important is this and are they ready to risk a high-profile failure," Miller said.
David Makovsky, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East policy, said it would be a mistake either to think the US is going to let the effort drop or to see it as a sign of failure on the part of the Obama administration. He expected the focus to shift away from settlements and the future of Jerusalem to issues on which agreement might be easier, namely security and borders.
"I see it as a refocusing and not a retreat," Makovsky said.
Palestinian officials have suggested that if there is no progress with Israel, they would take unilateral action, such as seeking to win international recognition for an independent state. That could involve lobbying for a UN security council resolution, or issuing their own unilateral declaration – though that would not be supported by Hamas or affect Gaza.
The dangers are that the first would be vetoed by the US or that Israel might retaliate by annexing parts of the West Bank and blaming the Palestinians for torpedoing negotiations.
Brazil and Argentina announced this week that they would recognise a Palestinian state with pre-1967 borders, and Uruguay pledged to do the same next year. The US quickly condemned these moves as "counterproductive".
Palestinians and other Arabs were furious when, in a last-ditch attempt to revive direct talks, Obama offered Israel a package of incentives including 20 F-35 fighter planes worth $3bn in exchange for a new three-month settlement ban. Washington also promised not to seek an additional freeze and pledged to provide Israel with diplomatic support, including vetoing anti-Israel resolutions at the UN.
south america has been historically submissive, these new public statements signal a change. a good change.
And once again, Israel chooses land over peace. This is significant, because the next suicide attack in jerusalem or somewhere in Israel....the Israeli's can no longer play the victim. They had a chance for peace and they gave it up. The "poor me" "we were attacked" stance is no longer valid. These are peace talks, that Israel wants no part of.
And the US has leverage over Israel, arms, weapons, money......they could force a settlement freeze....but once again, the peace talks aren't so much about peace as they are about imposing surrender terms on the Palestinians.
typical
The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy
By John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt
(Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 484 pp., $26)
In October 2002, Osama bin Laden issued a statement in which he analyzed America's inexhaustible number of sins and prescribed ways of repenting for many of them. The statement was, by the standards of bin Laden's cave encyclicals, unusually coherent. (Unlike, say, his most recent video, released in early September, which ranged across the sub-prime mortgage crisis, America's high rate of taxation, and the work of Noam Chomsky--the latter treated sympathetically, of course.) The 2002 letter laid out in a somewhat deliberate fashion bin Laden's main complaints, and it helped to answer a question that Americans often ask: Do they hate us for who we are, or for what we do?
Bin Laden's answer was, why choose? In his epistle to America, bin Laden asked Americans to submit to Islam, which he called "the religion of showing kindness to others." He excoriated us for our immorality: "We call you to be a people of manners, principles, honor and purity; to reject the immoral acts of fornication, homosexuality, intoxicants [and] gambling." He condemned us for manufacturing AIDS, which is a "Satanic American Invention." He also declared himself in opposition to the pervasive practice of incest in America, "in the face of which neither your sense of honor nor your laws object." He plangently concluded that "it is saddening to tell you that you are the worst civilization witnessed by the history of mankind." We are the worst because we "invent" our own laws to govern ourselves, rather than embrace God's law, or more precisely, his God's law, sharia; and because we mandate the separation of religion from politics; and because we allow usury.
The American addiction to usury is most upsetting to bin Laden. As is well known, the charging of interest--at usurious rates or otherwise--is banned by Islam. The institutions of "Islamic banking" were developed to find a way to conform to Islamic law and still prosper. Bin Laden's view of usury, and of Western banking practices, is characteristically unsophisticated. And he has a theory about its historical origins: Western banking is Jewish banking. "As a result of [usury], in all their different forms and guises, the Jews have taken control of your economy, through which they have then taken control of your media, and now control all aspects of your life, making you their servants and achieving their aims at your expense."
The Jews, of course, are a preoccupation of bin Laden's. They are an important source of immorality, and, in their union with Christianity--the "Zionist-Crusader alliance" of which he often speaks-- they have for centuries propagated falsehood and heresy. In conjunction with the Christians, the Jews also advocate policies that undermine the interests of Islam. It is not merely American financial and political support for Israel that frustrates bin Laden, but, crucially, America's role in perpetuating the idea that Palestine was once a Jewish homeland, and that the Jews of today are, in fact, proper Jews at all: "It brings us both laughter and tears to see that you have not yet tired of repeating your fabricated lies that the Jews have a historical right to Palestine, as it was promised to them in the Torah."
In the 2002 letter, bin Laden blames America for providing support to the usurping Zionists, but a careful reading of his rant will show that American support for Israel is only one of his many grievances against America. "You attacked us in Somalia; you supported the Russian atrocities against us in Chechnya, the Indian oppression against us in Kashmir," he writes. "You steal our wealth and oil at paltry prices.... This theft is indeed the biggest theft ever witnessed by mankind in the history of the world.... Your forces occupy our countries; you spread your military bases throughout them; you corrupt our lands." And in the Al Qaeda heartlands of Pakistan and Afghanistan, it is often Hindus--and, in some places, Shia--who are the unfortunate focus of Islamist zeal. ("The polytheists"--the Hindus--"are Satan's agents in the world," the Al Qaeda terrorist Fazlur Rahman Khalil once told me.) The Al Qaeda worldview is a fevered jumble, in which hatred never lacks an object and infidels are infinite.
It is rather uncontroversial to call Osama bin Laden an anti-Semite. He is the easy case. But since many people in the West are queasy about attaching the label of anti-Semitism to almost anybody, regarding the charge of anti-Semitism as itself proof of prejudice, let me begin by describing bin Laden's view of history less inflammatorily--not as anti-Semitic, but as Judeocentric. He believes that Jews exercise disproportionate control over world affairs, and that world affairs may therefore be explained by reference to the Jews. A Judeocentric view of history is one that regards the Jews as the center of the story, and therefore the key to it. Judeocentrism is a singlecause theory of history, and as such it is, almost by definition, a conspiracy theory. Moreover, Judeocentrism comes in positive forms and negative forms. The positive form of Judeocentrism is philo-Semitism, the negative form is antiSemitism. (There are philo-Semites who regard the Jews as the inventors of modernity, and there are anti-Semites who do the same; but the idea that Spinoza, Freud, and Einstein are responsible for us is as foolish as the idea that their ideas are judische Wissenschaft.) In both its positive and negative forms, Judeocentrism is always a mistake. Human events are not so neatly explained.
In the inflamed universe of negative Judeocentrism, there is a sliding scale of obsession. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the president of Iran, seems at times to view the world entirely through the prism of a Jewish conspiracy, and he regularly breaks new ground in the field of state-supported Holocaust denial. In Cairo, the activities of Jews, Israeli and otherwise, are a continual source of worry. Many of the monarchs in the Gulf countries, by contrast, will sometimes exploit anti-Jewish feeling for political reasons, but they do not seem to be personally obsessed by Jews. They are too worldly for that. In Europe, too, one finds great variations in the expression of Judeocentrism. There are still traces of Holocaust-induced philo-Semitism in places like Germany; but there are also figures such as Clare Short, the former British cabinet minister, who recently blamed Israel for global warming.
America, too, has a history of Judeocentrism, and also of the negative kind, the essence of which has been the belief that Jews, in order to advance their own interests, are responsible for entangling America in unnecessary wars--what we now call "wars of choice," which the Jews, it is alleged, have chosen for us. In the years leading up to World War II, the Jewish desire for war against Hitler was a constant theme of Father Coughlin, Charles Lindbergh, and Joseph P. Kennedy. "Instead of agitating for war, Jews in this country should be opposing it in every way, for they will be the first to feel its consequences," Lindbergh said in a speech in Des Moines on September 11, 1941. In more recent times, figures such as Patrick Buchanan, Louis Farrakhan, and David Duke have updated the notion and explained America's woes--Buchanan cleverly, Duke crudely, Farrakhan insanely--as the work of the Jews. (In 1990, as the first Bush administration was building up to war against Iraq, in order to expel Saddam Hussein's forces from Kuwait, Buchanan stated that "Capitol Hill is Israeli-occupied territory.") Perhaps the best and most succinct expression of this school of American Judeocentrism was offered by Mel Gibson when he explained, upon his arrest for drunk driving, that "the Jews are responsible for all the wars in the world."
It is an odious tradition, and I do not see how any thoughtful or decent individual would wish to belong to it. (I say thoughtful because the theory has no analytical value, and decent because the theory has harmful consequences.) But the tradition has now found a couple of unexpected new tribunes. The Judeocentric understanding of America's foreign policy is now the special province of two ostensibly reputable scholars, John J. Mearsheimer of the University of Chicago and Stephen M. Walt of Harvard University. The two men gained their fame--which is wildly disproportionate to their achievement--last spring, after the publication of an article in the London Review of Books that condemned the activities of Jewish-American supporters of Israel and argued that those activities are responsible for an astounding number of world- historical developments.
In the article, the word "lobby" was ominously capitalized, Robert Ludlum- style, as "the Lobby," to connote the perfect grip of pro-Israel activists upon Washington. In their new book, which builds on (and worsens) that earlier work, Mearsheimer and Walt lower-case the word "lobby," as a small tribute, I suppose, to the reality-based community. They have also excised some of the rougher language of their original blast. They have corrected some, though not all, of their errors of fact. But otherwise the book remains true to the malignant and dishonest spirit of the article. It represents the most sustained attack, the most mainstream attack, against the political enfranchisement of American Jews since the era of Father Coughlin.
The villains in The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy are almost entirely Jewish. Many of the chapters of the book contain extensive lists of Jews (even Rothschilds) who, the authors claim, act against the best interests of the United States. And act effectively: the Israel lobby in this book is an invincible juggernaut. In some of Mearsheimer and Walt's pages, AIPAC resembles SMERSH or THRUSH. The America-Israel Public Affairs Committee, you see, "has an almost unchallenged hold on Congress," and therefore on the United States. (In the London Review article, the "hold" was described as a "stranglehold.")
And how do we know that AIPAC has a hold on Congress? This is a very good question. For Mearsheimer and Walt are so thoroughly under the spell of their own assertions that they do not seem to notice the circular (or more precisely, agitprop) quality of what they have written. Consider a typical sentence: "The real reason why American politicians are so deferential [to Israel] is the political power of the Israel lobby." That is not a proof. That is what requires a proof.
So what are Mearsheimer and Walt's methods? A hasty survey of a vast literature on Israel and the Middle East, clearly unfamiliar to them until very recently, so as to cite every and any remark that suits their purpose, its context or its veracity notwithstanding. Most significantly, and by their own admission, Mearsheimer and Walt did no reporting. They did not interview a single member of Congress for their book about Congress. Perhaps it is beneath them as scholars to behave like journalists. But their methodological arrogance, their failure to meet any serious standard of empirical inquiry, their slavish reliance on second- and third-hand works, is astonishing. The truth of what they say is just completely obvious to them. At an appearance in September at the bookstore Politics and Prose, in Washington, Walt confidently asserted that "I think if we had interviewed every member of Congress and every lobbyist at AIPAC we would not have found a substantially different story than the one we reported." How does he know?
After baldly declaring, in the manner of conspiracy theorists, and over and over again, also in the manner of conspiracy theorists, that AIPAC dominates Congress (at the same time claiming, risibly, that "we do not believe the lobby ... controls important institutions in the United States"), Mearsheimer and Walt then proceed to catalog all the mistakes and the crimes for which AIPAC and the many other groups that make up the pro-Israel lobby are, in their omnipotence, responsible. Mearsheimer and Walt are not alleging the existence of a secret Jewish plot to control American foreign policy; they are alleging the existence of an open Jewish plot to control American foreign policy. The most remarkable of their allegations--this one is actually quite breathtaking--is that the pro-Israel lobby is causally related to the attacks of September 11. They claim that AIPAC's control of Congress forced America into an unnaturally close alliance with Israel, and that this alliance infuriated bin Laden, as well as Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the mastermind of the operation, who acted against America in large part because of its support for Israel.
This is not quite the view, commonly heard in the Arab world, that Israel had a direct hand in the destruction of the World Trade Center; but still it is heinous. The unmistakable message of The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy is that the destruction on September 11 was caused in significant measure by the Jews. "The United States has a terrorism problem in good part because it has long been so supportive of Israel," Mearsheimer and Walt write. "Many people may not realize how much America's one-sided policies have cost it over the years. Not only have these policies helped inspire al-Qaeda, but they have also facilitated its recruitment efforts and contributed to growing anti- Americanism throughout the region." At Politics and Prose, Walt called America's support for Israel "one of the key causes" of "America's terrorist problem." He went on to say that "American policy gives some individuals in the Arab and Islamic world cause to attack the United States as happened on 9/11." Cause! Ponder that word.
Never mind that Mearsheimer and Walt exaggerate the centrality of the Jews in bin Laden's worldview. (The transcript of his September video makes this clear.) Al Qaeda's war on America is only one of three wars that Mearsheimer and Walt blame on Israel and its mainly Jewish supporters. They argue that proIsrael Jews in America were "the principal driving force behind the Bush administration's decision to invade Iraq in 2003"; and they argue that it is only Jewish organizations, and their patrons in the Jewish state, that are now fomenting a war against Iran.
To support their preference for an American-Iranian detente, Mearsheimer and Walt present a spectacularly partial rendering of the pertinent history--they do not even consider that one barrier to better relations with the theocratic dictators in Tehran might be our inconvenient but painful memories of the hostage crisis. And in making their case that it is only Jews who oppose reconciliation with Iran, they neglect to mention, among other things, European opposition to the Iranian nuclear program. Their Judeocentric interpretation of the Iran hawks does not consider the possibility that Nicolas Sarkozy, the president of France, might have been motivated only by French national security interests when he recently said that Iran's obstinacy on the nuclear question would have "catastrophic consequences." Or has AIPAC gotten to him, too? But wait--Sarkozy is one-quarter Jewish. No wonder he is militant about Iran! (Mearsheimer and Walt like to explain the pro-Israel attitudes of American politicians in gross tribal terms. Howard Dean's "unabashed" pro-Israel stance, for example, is explicable when you grasp that "Dean's wife is Jewish and his children were raised Jewish as well.")
Mearsheimer and Walt stretch their Iran argument to the snapping point. They contend that Israeli politicians and their supporters in America exaggerate the existential threat to Israel posed by Iran, because Iranian radicals have not actually called for the elimination of Israel. They assert that "Ahmadinejad's call for Israel to 'vanish from the page of time' (or to be 'erased from the pages of history') is often mistranslated as a call for Israel's physical destruction (i.e. to 'wipe Israel off the map')." Often mistranslated? I wonder how good their own Farsi is. But Al Jazeera--no known Jewish control there--reported in 2005 that at the "World Without Zionism" conference in Tehran, Ahmadinejad declared that "Israel must be wiped off the map." Ahmadinejad's own website described the speech this way: "He further expressed his firm belief that the new wave of confrontations generated in Palestine and the growing turmoil in the Islamic world would in no time wipe Israel away." The official Iranian broadcast service reported that "Iran's President ... on Wednesday called for Israel to be 'wiped off the map.'" Surely there are clearer ways to express a desire for coexistence.
It is mystifying that Mearsheimer and Walt would so easily destroy their own credibility by stating as fact lies that are so easily refuted. Perhaps it is because they have become dedicated enemies of complexity. When did it become legitimate in American political science to explain complicated phenomena by single causes? Not even the blizzard of footnotes at the end of their book can disguise the fact that it is an exercise in simplification. Or is their intellectual imbalance owed to a different pressure--to the rage of the realist, perhaps? Mearsheimer and Walt are prominent advocates of the "realist" approach to foreign policy; and there is nothing a realist despises more, from Henry Kissinger to Samuel Huntington (to whom this book is dedicated), than domestic interference in the crafting of foreign policy. What right does an ignorant and emotional ethnic group have to disrupt the plans of wise statesmen and the analyses of detached academics? But such disruptions are an integral part of the American system--as America's Cubans and Turks and Greeks and, yes, Jews have regularly, and quite legitimately, demonstrated. Mearsheimer and Walt's Judeocentric view of American policy in the Middle East is just a way of pinning the American system that they dislike on the Jews.
The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy is a book of continuous astonishments. Each chapter contains assertions of Jewish misbehavior, or criminality. The history of the ArabIsraeli conflict recounted here is comically one-sided, even by the standards of Israel's revisionist historians. In Mearsheimer and Walt's telling, Israel is perpetually the aggressor; it has never made a serious move toward peace and compromise; and its existence has never been threatened by the Arabs, who are portrayed as out-numbered, out- funded, and under-armed victims of Zionist aggression. The Israel of Mearsheimer and Walt is simply unrecognizable to anyone who is halfway fair and halfway learned about the Middle East. Various scholars have already demolished their recounting of Israeli history, most notably Benny Morris in the pages of this magazine. Morris's research into the origins of the war for Israeli independence in 1948 was put to perverse use by Mearsheimer and Walt, and he reclaimed it with authority. I will not dwell here on their many mistakes and distortions, except to point out two of the most obvious ones: their claim that Israel's Arab neighbors did not hope to destroy the Jewish state in 1967, and their claim that Israel, under the leadership of Ehud Barak, did not offer Yasir Arafat anything fair or interesting at Camp David and Taba in 2000. Both are easily refuted. (An obscure little volume called My Life, by Bill Clinton, makes a quick hash of their account of the peace process.)
Like Jimmy Carter, Mearsheimer and Walt condemn Israel for behaving in an un- Christian manner. "Christian Zionists may believe that biblical prophecy justifies Jewish control of all of Palestine, but other Christian principles--such as Christ's command to 'love thy neighbor as thyself'--are sharply at odds with Israel's treatment of its Palestinian subjects," they piously write. But the Palestinians, of course, love their neighbors. Not willing to undermine their portrait of the Palestinians as lambs before the Jewish wolf, Mearsheimer and Walt only fleetingly acknowledge the existence of Palestinian terrorism (without ever once mentioning the number of Israeli victims of Palestinian terror--or American victims, for that matter), except to observe that Palestinian terrorism was forced on the Palestinians by Israel's unrelenting suppression after the 1967 war. "Not surprisingly, Palestinian resistance has frequently employed terrorism, which is usually how subject populations strike back at powerful occupiers." Such an analysis assumes that the reader is unaware that Palestinian terrorism against Israel predates the 1967 war and the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. It is also an insult to other subject populations: the Kurdish leader Massoud Barzani, in an interview five years ago, was explicit about his rejection of terrorism, saying that "we could have bombed movie theaters in Baghdad and buses like the Palestinians, but we made the decision not to. It would have been wrong." Like so many supporters of the Palestinians, Mearsheimer and Walt have no use for their historical agency. The Palestinians are always responsible for nothing.
In building their case against Israel and its supporters in America, Mearsheimer and Walt prophylactically denounce anti-Semitism. But at the same time they argue that it barely exists, or that its existence has no bearing whatever upon this bitter discussion: "While the charge of anti-Semitism can be an effective smear tactic, it is usually groundless." Usually when, and usually where? No, not all criticism of Israel or AIPAC is anti-Semitic. Wait, let me say that again. No, not all criticism of Israel or AIPAC is anti-Semitic. But the idea that no criticism of Israel or AIPAC is anti-Semitic is just as ridiculous. To proceed with their generalized and somewhat defensive point, Mearsheimer and Walt ignore an abundance of evidence about Europe, including the wellpublicized British parliamentary report on anti-Semitism, issued in September 2006, which found anti-Jewish incitement in Britain to have reached crisis levels. The leader of that parliamentary inquiry, Denis MacShane, wrote in The Washington Post last month that "Europe is reawakening its old demons, but today there is a difference. The old antiSemitism and anti-Zionism have morphed into something more dangerous."
Not so, say Mearsheimer and Walt. The number of anti-Semites in Europe, they write, is "small and their extreme views are rejected by the vast majority of Europeans." They do not deny, though, that "there is anti-Semitism among European Muslims, some of it provoked by Israel's behavior toward the Palestinians and some of it straightforwardly racist." This is a bizarre and foul passage, its foulness easily clarified by a simple act of substitution. Imagine Farrar, Straus and Giroux publishing the following sentence: "We would not deny that there is some racial prejudice among whites, some of it provoked by the misbehavior of AfricanAmericans, and some of it straightforwardly racist. " Mearsheimer and Walt are the sort of scholars who think that if you wish to understand racism, study blacks, and if you wish to understand antiSemitism, study Jews. They are chillingly unaware that such views are complicit with the prejudice that they claim to abhor.
The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy is premised on many such nasty and false ideas, but underpinning them all is the belief that America supports Israel only because the pro-Israel lobby forces it to do so. Mearsheimer and Walt contend--we have heard this contention many times before--that Israel has no strategic or moral value to America, and that a proper foreign policy would cut Israel adrift. What is unfathomable to them is that many Americans, Jewish and otherwise, admire Israel. Forty years of polling has consistently shown that Americans support Israel in its conflict with the Arabs. Why? There are a multitude of plausible reasons. Both Israel and America were founded by refugees from European religious intolerance; both are rooted in a common religious tradition; Israel is a lively democracy in a part of the world that lacks democracy; Israelis seem self-reliant in the manner of American pioneers; and Israel's enemies, in many cases, seem to be America's enemies as well. And perhaps some obstreperous Americans side with Israel simply because the radical Islamists demand that they stop.
None of these possible explanations has penetrated the minds of Mearsheimer and Walt. There is only one cause for America's support for Israel, they say: the lobby, its money, its muscle, its effectiveness at suppressing dissent about its activities and about the depth of Israel's crimes and strategic uselessness. (More about dissent in a moment.) The ultimate lesson of this book is that America must free itself from the shackles of the pro-Israel lobby. It is this message, more than any other, that makes Mearsheimer and Walt the heirs of a certain American current. In 1940, Joseph P. Kennedy went to Hollywood to address its mostly Jewish studio chiefs. As recounted in Neal Gabler's An Empire of Their Own: How the Jews Invented Hollywood, Kennedy told his lunch audience to "stop making anti-Nazi pictures or using the film medium to promote or show sympathy to the cause of the 'democracies' versus the 'dictators.'" He told the executives that the Jews were already being blamed for the war. His bullying was effective: the studio chiefs, uneasy about their ethnic heritage and therefore susceptible to the call of assimilation, were frightened into compliance by his message, until America entered the war a year later. Mearsheimer and Walt have set themselves a similar goal: to convince non-Jews that their Jewish fellow citizens do not have their best interests at heart, and, further, to harass or to rattle or to embarrass American Jews into silence. Their book is not an act of scholarship, but an act of intimidation.
But wait. Isn't AIPAC the one that is in the business of intimidation? "The lobby has gone to considerable lengths to shape public discourse about Israel by putting pressure on the media and academia and by establishing a tangible presence in influential foreign policy think tanks," Mearsheimer and Walt insist. "Efforts to shape public perceptions often include charging critics of Israel with anti-Semitism." The publication of their article in the London Review of Books certainly provoked controversy. It was designed to provoke controversy. But our heroes' skin proved too thin for controversy. Though they were extensively praised in Europe, where everybody is of course much saner because they are beyond AIPAC's reach, Mearsheimer and Walt experienced a good deal of withering criticism in America. (And also some fair, even generous coverage here, including a credulous Washington Post Magazine cover story about their work.) And yet their ideas have been widely debated and discussed. And yet they received a dizzying advance to turn their essay into this book. And yet their book is already a best-seller.
They claim that they themselves are victims of the pro-Israel lobby, but the existence of their book, and the sensation that attends it, rather negates their self-pity. I mean, somehow The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy slipped past the lobby. When I visited Amazon.com to check the book's ranking a few weeks ago--it was at number thirty five--I learned that customers who bought it also purchased The Power of Israel in the United States; Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History; They Dare Speak Out: People and Institutions Confront Israel's Lobby; and of course Jimmy Carter's Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. So there is a literature of this sort, and a market for it. And yet in their own minds--this is the comic dimension of this sad story--Mearsheimer and Walt are dissidents. They portray themselves, and the many American critics of the pro-Israel lobby, as free-speech martyrs. In this way the fellows at number thirty-five resemble their idol Jimmy Carter, who complained about being muzzled even as his book was climbing the best- seller lists. They seem to think that anybody who disagrees with what they say is denying their right to say it. The truth is that most of Mearsheimer and Walt's critics do not want to suppress their ideas. They merely want to refute them.
The pro-Israel lobby, Mearsheimer and Walt contend, goes to any length to steer media coverage in Israel's favor: "If the media were left to their own devices, they would not serve up as consistent a diet of pro-Israel coverage and commentary." And whose devices, precisely, are they left up to? We are awfully close to the Elders of Z. here. Mearsheimer and Walt's opinion that the press in America is robotically pro-Israel only betrays their ignorance of the American press. They are apparently unacquainted with the work of the editorial boards of, say, The New York Times and The Boston Globe. They might recall the life and work of the late Peter Jennings. They identify such columnists as Richard Cohen of The Washington Post and Thomas L. Friedman of The New York Times as Israeli sympathizers, which is true in the sense that Cohen and Friedman do not support the murder of Israeli civilians or the extinction of the Israeli state. But when Friedman's words suit their own tendency, when he writes critically of Israeli policy, they cite him. So Friedman is an agent of Israeli interests, except when he is not. At his Politics and Prose talk, Walt said that American columnists represent a narrow spectrum of opinion on Israel. "If you look at punditry in the U.S., there's no equivalent of a Robert Fisk or a Patrick Seale," he said. This is true, but I cannot lament the loss. Patrick Seale is the court biographer of the Assad family, and the author of a book that identifies Abu Nidal, a mass murderer of Jews, as an Israeli agent; and Robert Fisk is a rabid anti-Zionist who has lately made common cause with the September 11 conspiracy movement.
Mearsheimer and Walt argue that the pro-Israel groups have gone to dangerous and unprecedented lengths to shut down "honest" debate--one that would presumably credit the ideas of such fearless truth-tellers as Fisk and Seale--about Israel. They provide numerous examples. "Jewish Voice for Peace was denied a booth at a major Jewish community event in the San Francisco area on the grounds that it was insufficiently supportive of Israel, and the Hillel chapter at the University of Texas refused to give an organization called Jewish Students for Palestinian Rights space to conduct a study group." And "pro-Israel groups were more active shaping media coverage than pro-Arab groups were; in 1970, for example, the Conference of Presidents distributed press kits (complete with photos and feature stories) to more than seventeen hundred newspapers and to major wire services." And "to discourage unfavorable reporting on Israel, groups in the lobby organize letter-writing campaigns, demonstrations, and boycotts against news outlets whose content they consider anti-Israel." And "following the publication of our original article ... the president of the War College received phone calls from several members of Congress who questioned whether it was appropriate to have us speak at the conference. To his credit, the president took no action in response to these calls and we appeared without incident." And "a subsequent invitation to Walt to speak in a lecture series at the University of Montana also provoked heated denunciations by several faculty members, who began a protracted but unsuccessful campaign to have the faculty coordinator of the lecture series removed from his post." Booths, press kits, letters, phone calls. Get it? The chilling pattern is clear. First they come for the faculty coordinator of the lecture series at the University of Montana, then they come for you.
There is an interesting book to be written about the power of AIPAC, and other pro-Israel lobbying groups, in Washington. There is also a book to be written about the moral failings of Israel's occupation of Palestinian lands. I myself wrote a version of that latter book. But my recoil from Israel's settlement policy was not a recoil from Israel itself: I remain a believer in the legitimacy and the necessity of a national home for the Jewish people. I regard territorial compromise, and the establishment of the state of Palestine alongside the state of Israel, as the only solution to this savage conflict. And I am not much of a believer in AIPAC.
I have three reasons for my distaste for AIPAC. The first is a matter of style: AIPAC's leaders tend toward glibness and certitude, when the Middle East is a dense and ambiguous place. The second is that I dislike single-issue lobbies and single-issue politics--the duties of American citizenship require more than that; and I worry about the distorting impact of money in political campaigns. The third is that AIPAC has leaned rightward in recent years, and today seeks to drum up support for policies that do not seem to me to be in Israel's best interests. On the issue of aid to Israel, AIPAC reflexively seeks from Congress generous grants that also do not seem to me to be in Israel's best interests. It is true that economic aid is being phased out, but military assistance is being increased--Israel receives about
$3 billion a year in direct aid, although it has become a well-off country (even if the numbers of its poor are scandalously high). As an American taxpayer, I would rather see some of that money go to poorer countries. And I tend to think that Israel would be better off--more independent, more responsible with its own money--if it paid for American weaponry out of its own treasury, rather than with American aid money. I believe Israel should slowly wean itself from American aid, but AIPAC first has to agree to this.
Now, none of these criticisms requires any courage on my part. Indeed, these opinions are all widely held and widely debated within the exceedingly unmonolithic Jewish community, and they betray no particular animus toward the Jewish state. (Mearsheimer and Walt have no grasp whatsoever of the diversity of American Jewish life. In a single sentence, they identify the Zionist Organization of America, which is run by the revanchist Morton Klein, and the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism, which is run by the progressive David Saperstein, as interchangeable cogs of the pro-Israeli machine.) Mearsheimer and Walt are for the two-state solution, which is banal but fine. Yet when did support for the two-state solution require support for a Jewish conspiracy theory? Why couldn't these formerly credible scholars have made their criticisms of AIPAC and of Israel without demonizing Jews and demonizing Israel? And do they know anything, anything at all, about lobbies in the nation's capital?
Of course AIPAC acts forcefully, even arrogantly: for lobbyists, that is one definition of professional success. Several years ago, at dinner with Steven Rosen, who was the foreign policy chief of AIPAC until he came under suspicion of passing American secrets to Israel (he has not yet been brought to trial), I mentioned the controversy involving a former president of AIPAC who was caught on tape bragging that he had "cut a deal" with the first Bush administration to provide higher levels of aid to Israel. I asked Rosen if AIPAC suffered from the affair. He reached across the table. "You see this napkin?" he said. "In twenty-four hours, we could have the signatures of seventy senators on this napkin." As I say, arrogant. But there are a hundred or more lobbyists in Washington who could pull off the napkin trick: lobbyists for the gun lobby, and for oil companies and pharmaceutical companies, and for the anti-Castro lobby and the Saudi lobby. And try getting any administration to challenge China's record on human rights. For China, the town is wired in a way that must fill AIPAC with envy. Say the word "China" in Washington, and congressmen, lobbyists, and Cabinet officials all hear the same thing: "summer home."
Mearsheimer and Walt write about the lobbying activities of AIPAC and other Jewish lobbying and advocacy groups as if they had never set foot in the capital. Here is their description of the way in which AIPAC and other pro- Israel groups do their work: "In addition to direct lobbying on Capitol Hill, the lobby rewards or punishes politicians largely through an ability to guide the flow of campaign contributions. Organizations in the lobby also put pressure on the executive branch through a number of mechanisms, including working through government officials who are sympathetic to their views." Imagine that!
One of the most serious charges that Mearsheimer and Walt level at AIPAC and its neoconservative fellow travelers is that they were indispensable in pushing America to invade Iraq. There is no doubt that neoconservatives agitated for the war, and that many neoconservatives are Jews; and there is no doubt that there were Jews, in and out of the Bush administration, who argued for the invasion of Iraq, including Paul Wolfowitz, Scooter Libby, Douglas Feith, and Richard Perle. Is that really all we need to know about the origins of the war? There were also some Christians at the scene, including George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Condoleezza Rice, Colin Powell, Stephen Hadley, and Richard Myers. Some of those Christians were even in positions to order the invasion!
The assertion that the Iraq war would not have happened except for the lobbying of Jews is an echo of an ancient idea spread by anti-Jewish ideologues: that Jews, operating in the shadows, manipulate gentile leaders to unknowingly advance Jewish interests. In order to believe this in the case of Iraq, the argument would have to be made that Bush, Cheney, and Rumsfeld were not merely idiots, but also uninterested in ruling. A couple of years ago I asked Rumsfeld to comment on accusations that the Jewish lobby maneuvered the administration into war. "I suppose the implication of that is the president and the vice president and myself and Colin Powell just fell off a turnip truck to take these jobs," he said. But Mearsheimer and Walt mention Cheney and Rumsfeld only for fleeting instants in their discussion of the origins of the war. They seem to think that William Kristol is the commander in chief.
The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy further asserts that the Israeli government itself had been arguing vociferously for an American invasion of Iraq since 2001. Mearsheimer and Walt point to public-opinion polls that showed that, across the globe, only the civilian populations of Israel and Kuwait supported the war. They write as if mystified by these findings. It is worth noting that both Kuwait and Israel had been attacked by Saddam Hussein--Kuwait by his army, Israel by his missile force. Perhaps this explains the poll results. And yet the fact is that the Israelis, and the pro-Israel lobby, were focused mainly on the threat from Iran, not Iraq, during the first years of this decade. AIPAC supported the administration in its pursuit of Saddam Hussein, but only after the invasion seemed to be a fait accompli. Last month, in an interview, Lawrence Wilkerson, who was Colin Powell's chief of staff at the State Department, and who is an adversary of administration neoconservatives, told me that Israel had been consistently warning the administration that Iran was the main threat, not Iraq. "The Israelis tried their best to persuade us that we were focused on the wrong enemy," he said, "and that they were very leery of destroying the balance of power in the Middle East. But once they understood that we were going to war, come hell or high water, they weren't going to get on the wrong side of the president of the United States." (Wilkerson, of course, makes no appearance in this book.)
And yet even the charge that Jewish organizations took us to war in Iraq is not the low point in Mearsheimer and Walt's book. Its most sinister accomplishment is surely the accusation that Al Qaeda attacked America because America supports the Jewish state. Again, Mearsheimer and Walt are convinced that the America-Israel connection is what moves bin Laden. At Politics and Prose, Mearsheimer uttered this remarkable statement: "Osama bin Laden wanted very much to make sure that the attacks struck at Congress, which he saw--quite correctly--as the location of the critical support of the United States for Israel." Mearsheimer seemed pleased, rather than appalled, that bin Laden's analysis of Congress's priorities squared so perfectly with his own.
Yes, bin Laden has Jews on the brain. But he also obsesses about much else. Don't trust me on this; trust the (non-Jewish) experts. "You could take Israel out of the equation and Al Qaeda would still want to attack us," Lawrence Wright, the author of The Looming Tower, told me. "Israel is a tremendously powerful recruiting tool, but there are people who are drawn to Al Qaeda for many different motivations. For Zawahiri, the main goal was Egypt. For bin Laden, the main goal was to expel American troops from Saudi Arabia." Richard Clarke, the Al Qaeda expert in the Clinton and Bush administrations, said that "if you look at Al Qaeda's own writing and their public statements, Israel was not a major theme. What they say is pretty clear. They want to eliminate the presence of the 'far enemy'--us--from the Islamic world, because the far enemy props up the 'near enemy,' the moderate Arab states. If they increase the pain on us, they believe that they can topple the Arab regimes. If Israel didn't exist, they'd be doing the same thing." And Peter Bergen, the Al Qaeda expert at the New America Foundation--one of just three Washington think tanks that Mearsheimer and Walt praise for escaping the control of the Israel lobby--told me that, while the Israel-Arab conflict provides strong recruitment, "Pakistan is the epicenter of planning and training, and the Kashmir conflict is the strong engine there." Mearsheimer and Walt claim that the "Zionist-Crusader alliance," the Al Qaeda shorthand for Islam's main enemy, is a reference to the pro-Israel lobby and its Christian Zionist allies in Washington. Bergen disagrees. "I never take it to mean AIPAC. It means Jews, Christians, the People of the Book, the entire West. It's a big concept. I can't remember bin Laden ever mentioning AIPAC."
In their discussion of these matters, Mearsheimer and Walt seem not just mendacious but also shallow. They are dilettantes in the subject, tourists in the conflict. Consider an example. After cherry-picking quotations from jihadists to support the view that America's ties to Israel brought us the attacks of September 11, they raise the subject of Sayyid Qutb's anti- Americanism. Qutb was a terribly important Egyptian Islamist, and Al Qaeda's main intellectual inspiration. Mearsheimer and Walt instruct that "Sayyid Qutb, the Egyptian dissident whose writings have been an important inspiration for contemporary Islamic fundamentalists, was hostile to the United States both because he saw it as a corrupt and licentious society and also because of U.S. support for Israel." But wait. Qutb was executed by the Egyptian government in 1966, almost a year before the Six Day War. It was not until after that war that America replaced France as Israel's chief protector and armssupplier. In fact, throughout the 1950s, the Eisenhower administration was often quite hostile to Israel. So Qutb's objection, then, was not to American support for Israel, but to American recognition of Israel. If this is the case, then Islamist anger at America predates our support for the usurping Zionists. And if this is so, then Al Qaeda would have attacked the United States whether or not America was Israel's patron, and whether or not the pro-Israel lobby existed. Therefore, as far-fetched as this may seem, the Jews should not be blamed for the attack on the World Trade Center.
One would think that the editors at Farrar, Straus and Giroux might have harpooned this leviathan of a contradiction before it reached print. Unless of course you believe, as I do, that Farrar, Straus and Giroux has all along been allowing Mearsheimer and Walt to undermine their own credibility by promoting their abysmal arguments about Jewish power. The publishing house, you see, is not known to be a part of the Jewish lobby, but its owner, the German company Holtzbrinck, has been emphatically friendly to Israel, in part out of guilt that its founder was a Nazi. Remember, everything is not what it seems. This book about a malevolent conspiracy may itself be the work of a benevolent conspiracy. I mean, cui bono? Who really benefits from making anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism seem so indefensible? Come to think of it, the name Mearsheimer does have a bit of a Jewish ring.
Where's the link?
No. I refuse to read any article you post unless I can see the link, or the title and the authors name.
I think it's telling that you want to hide the authors name and the source of the article. If a link, or title and name is included then I'll read it. If there's no link, title or authors name, then I won't. Period.
I engage ideas with honest people.
If you don't want to read the piece then don't read it. I'd prefer that people come to the arguments made without preconceived notions based only on the identity of the author and publication. That, to me, seems to be the honest way to engage ideas.
Maybe you should try telling that to every single News organization and publishing house.
Or discredited.