the question is why the cuss is the US in Yemen!?? ... why is it that everywhere the US goes - al qaeda or ISIS thrive!? ... see Iraq, Yemen, Syria and Lybia ... and why is it that in these so called civil wars - the US always seems to be supporting the terrorist factions!??
Missiles have been fired out of Yemeni at US warships multiple times. I'm guessing the Pentagon is a little curious who is behind it and then lay the hurt stick on them.
dude ... they didn't even come close to landing ... in any case - this is not a chicken and egg debate ... the US and the US-backed saudi operation have been involved from the get go ... this is fucking yemen ... they pretty much have to import all their food ...
So just let them keep lobbing missiles cause they missed the first couple of times? I don't think that is wise military planning.
how do we tank this raid that obama hasnt authorized for months claiming hes waiting for a dark moon? what? why would we tank the raid, it could get people killed? quiet!!! okay I got it, whenever that dipshit who knows more than the generals authorizes the raid, send the pimped out drones with the LED ghost lights, to the target, crank xhibit X on repeat, and fly real low, really really low what? quiet!!! X marks the spot, got it? yes, then what?? wait for my orders to move in
the question is why the cuss is the US in Yemen!?? ... why is it that everywhere the US goes - al qaeda or ISIS thrive!? ... see Iraq, Yemen, Syria and Lybia ... and why is it that in these so called civil wars - the US always seems to be supporting the terrorist factions!??
Missiles have been fired out of Yemeni at US warships multiple times. I'm guessing the Pentagon is a little curious who is behind it and then lay the hurt stick on them.
dude ... they didn't even come close to landing ... in any case - this is not a chicken and egg debate ... the US and the US-backed saudi operation have been involved from the get go ... this is fucking yemen ... they pretty much have to import all their food ...
So just let them keep lobbing missiles cause they missed the first couple of times? I don't think that is wise military planning.
no one would be firing anything at the US from Yemen if you weren't bombing hospitals
I just watched a documentary made by 3 children in Yemen where they interview other children. Very very heartbreaking. Where is the global outcry? Where is the media coverage?
Adelaide 17/11/2009, Melbourne 20/11/2009, Sydney 22/11/2009, Melbourne (Big Day Out Festival) 24/01/2014
On page 4 of the AMT and someone was trying to say how because MSNBC didn’t have one story of 500+ stories of Team Trump Treason and his affairs and Faux red had 1, that Faux news was “more credible.” Here below is Faux news’ trending “story.”
With US supplied weapons and I’m sure, US logistical support.
Every US president has been in bed Saudi Arabia ...
That doesn’t mean questions shouldn’t be asked and explanations given. Team Trump Treason is potus and we deserve to know what US policy is at it relates to Yemen and Saudi crimes against humanity.
With US supplied weapons and I’m sure, US logistical support.
Every US president has been in bed Saudi Arabia ...
That doesn’t mean questions shouldn’t be asked and explanations given. Team Trump Treason is potus and we deserve to know what US policy is at it relates to Yemen and Saudi crimes against humanity.
I totally agree. I find it deplorable that Canada buys oil from those bastards ... I would love to see Canada and the US tell the Saudi's to go fuck themselves ... but never more than after this week when those limp dick bastards couldn't handle criticism from a tweet from our one of our ministers...
Apparently not and so much for ending all the useless wars and bringing the troops home. I’ll patiently wait for the criticism of the war monger in chief.
I suppose this is what fists, flags and fire emojis are for, eh? Nice country, ‘Murica.
THE OTHER SIDE OF SIGNALGATE
The Trump Administration’s extraordinary security breach has elicited shock, amusement, and anger. An eyewitness in Yemen describes what happened when the bombs started to fall.
By Rozina Ali April 8, 2025
On the morning of March 14th, while Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Vice-President J. D. Vance debated a possible U.S. attack on Houthi targets in a now infamous Signal chat, it was afternoon in Yemen, and a five-year-old boy named Hamad was still alive. Hamad had spent the day running around the city with his father, and when night fell he was back home, playing in the yard with his cousins, likely slipping one too many sweets into his mouth.
In a thread called “Houthi PC Small Group,” which included other top national-security officials, Vance seemed concerned about getting dragged into another conflict that was peripheral to American interests. The operation was meant to disrupt the Houthis’ ability to attack commercial ships and American military vessels in the Red Sea, which they had been doing for about a year and a half, in response to Israel’s bombing campaign in Gaza. Vance floated the possibility of delaying the strikes so that the Administration could work on the public “messaging.” “I understand your concerns,” Hegseth told him, but messaging would be “tough” no matter the timing. “Nobody knows who the Houthis are,” he explained.
The debate didn’t last long. Within half an hour, Vance was persuaded. The next day, as sunset prayers ended and families broke their Ramadan fast in north Yemen, Hegseth announced to the group in Washington, “Weather is FAVORABLE. Just CONFIRMED w/ CENTCOM we are a GO for mission launch.” Shortly after, a “package” of F-18s was launched, the first of many strikes.
Just before one in the morning, a man whom I’ll call Hassan—he asked that we not use his real name, owing to concerns about his safety—bolted awake to a thunderous sound. His house, in the Qahza area in Saada, was shaking. The windows shattered as he heard another boom, and then another. “The noise of the air strikes were very unlike the Saudi ones, because they were too loud, too big,” he recently told me, referring to regular bombing campaigns that a Saudi Arabia-led coalition has conducted against Houthi strongholds since 2015.
Smoke and dust filled the rooms, and Hassan scrambled to rush his frightened children outside. He split his family into small groups among relatives’ homes and returned to the site of the strike. His neighbor’s two-story house, about a hundred metres from his own, was levelled. The house belonged to Mosfer Roga’ah, Hassan told me—a Bedouin from the country’s northern Kitaf district who had arrived in the neighborhood around six years earlier. Roga’ah had several sons who were married, so the house was often full of women and children, as it had been that night.
Hassan’s brothers were already there, digging through the rubble, searching for the remains of a family. “They were scattered and torn into pieces,” he said. Rescuers recovered mangled bodies. Among them were two faces Hassan recognized well: the five-year-old boy, Hamad, and a three-year-old girl, Dareen, who was rushed to a hospital in Sanaa, Yemen’s capital. Hamad was dead.
He “was roasted,” Hassan recalled, adding quietly that it was a “horrifying” sight. He later sent me photos of Dareen that were circulating on social media; she was attached to a breathing tube, her body covered in gauze and her face marbled with burn marks. In the debris, locals found remnants of Tomahawk missiles, which Airwars, a British nonprofit organization that tracks civilian harm in conflict zones, confirmed were the munitions used in the strike.
The controversy that has now been dubbed Signalgate has garnered considerable shock, amusement, and anger, illustrating the ineptitude of the Trump Administration for knowingly discussing war plans over a commercial phone app and for unknowingly inviting a journalistinto the discussion. (The White House has insisted that it did not reveal any “war plans.”) Less has been made of the strikes themselves, which raise their own set of questions, including what the U.S.’s aims are in Yemen, and under what legal authority it is pursuing those aims.
American Presidents have struck Yemen before, often pointing to the Authorization for the Use of Military Force, a joint resolution passed after 9/11, which gave the President the power to attack terrorist targets in foreign countries without a formal “declaration of war.” But Trump hasn’t invoked the A.U.M.F.; instead, he echoed aides who say that it is within the President’s constitutional power to launch attacks for defensive purposes.His predecessors, too, seemed to operate with that license: most recently, the Biden Administration continued to strike Houthi targets, without Congressional approval, even after taking the Houthis off the list of foreign terrorist organizations. “For years, Presidents have been asserting expansive power to use military force, under questionable legal authorities, with relatively little pushback from Congress,” Matt Duss, the executive vice-president at the Center for International Policy, a foreign-policy think tank in Washington, D.C., told me. “That’s extremely dangerous no matter who’s in the White House, but particularly with someone like Trump.”
The Trump Administration’s hostilities in Yemen appear more expansive than past campaigns, directed not just at Houthi weapons sites but also at Houthi leaders in residential areas. Perhaps more alarmingly, Trump hints at long-term engagement. “We will use overwhelming lethal force until we have achieved our objective,” Trump vowed. There remains little clarity on what right the President has to repeatedly strike a foreign country without the approval of Congress.
In addition to this legal debate, Signalgate raises questions about the reliability of American intelligence. According to Yemen’s health ministry, more than fifty people were killed in the strikes, and more than a hundred were wounded. One of the attacks hit a cancer-treatment center that was under construction, according to Houthi authorities. Another, the Roga’ah house.
Mosfer Roga’ah and his four sons were not home when the missiles dropped, Hassan told me. They were at the mosque for taraweeh, special prayers performed late into the night during the holy month of Ramadan. A video shared on Facebook shows them returning to where the house once stood. A few men can be seen helping someone stagger through the glare of headlights toward the wreckage. Seconds later, a loud scream pierces through a din of panicked voices. According to Hassan, that was one of Roga’ah’s sons, Abdullah—the father of Dareen and Hamad.
Eventually, Hassan told me, rescuers who dug through the rubble counted fifteen dead, all women and children. Among them were Risala, age thirteen; Saleh, age nine; Abdullah, age six; Nazam, age six; Abdulkader, age five; Hadi, age three; and Motlak, a newborn baby. The baby’s mother was also killed.
The New Yorker was not able to fully corroborate Hassan’s account, and Saada is nearly impossible for foreign journalists to access at the moment, but news reports and public social-media posts about that night counted civilians among the dead. (Many of the posts were made by people with Houthi affiliations.) Shortly after the strikes began, Trump declared on Truth Social that he had ordered the military “to launch decisive and powerful Military action,” adding that the Houthis “have waged an unrelenting campaign of piracy, violence, and terrorism against American, and other, ships, aircraft, and drones.”
Officials in the Trump Administration seemed unfazed by the prospect that civilians might die in the bombardment. “The first target—their top missile guy—we had positive ID of him walking into his girlfriend’s building and it’s now collapsed,” Michael Waltz, the national-security adviser, wrote on Signal, in an update to the team. “Excellent,” Vance replied. The C.I.A. director, John Ratcliffe: “A good start.” Waltz responded with emojis of a fist bump, an American flag, and fire. (Later, the U.S. Department of Defense said that it “takes allegations of civilian harm seriously and has a process in place to review them.”)
Trump’s White House, like its predecessors, continues to emphasize that the Houthis are supported by Iran. But the group also emerged from local political dynamics. The founders of the Houthi movement belonged to Zaydism, a Shia branch of Islam that ruled northern Yemen for a thousand years before being overthrown in the nineteen-sixties. A couple of decades later, Zaydism was revived as a cultural and political movement by Hussein al-Houthi, in part as a way to challenge Yemen’s central government, which disfavored Zaydis and neglected northern areas, like Saada. After 9/11, the U.S. poured military aid into Yemen as part of its global war on terror, expanding the Yemeni President’s ability to quell Houthi dissent—in turn drawing more support for the movement.
Yemen underwent a significant transformation. The Houthis grew in power and popularity, then launched an insurgency that spiralled into a series of wars with the central government. During the Arab Spring, in 2012, the Yemeni President stepped down; in the years that followed, Houthis stormed the capital. Regional and world powers, concerned that the group would expand, began to bombard and raid the country. The United States backed Saudi-led bombing campaigns, supported a naval and air blockade, and instituted a sanctions regime; together, these measures have further entrenched the Houthis’ hold on power, killed hundreds of thousands of people, and helped to push more than seventeen million into conditions of severe hunger. Today, Yemen remains one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world.
The U.S. continues to pummel Yemen. Recently, Trump shared a black-and-white video, from an aerial viewpoint, of a bomb landing on a group of about seventy people in a circle, which a Houthi-led news agency later described as a social gathering for Eid. Smoke fills the screen and, within seconds, a crater emerges. “These Houthis gathered for instructions on an attack. Oops, there will be no attack by these Houthis!” the President wrote.
Meanwhile, Roga’ah and his sons are surveying their own catastrophic damage. The fresh graves of their dead wives and children are lined neatly in a row, the result of a strike hastily agreed to over text message thousands of miles away. “They have hearts broken into pieces,” Hassan told me, of Roga’ah and Abdullah. “Every day they are crying, remembering this family that disappeared without any reason.” ♦︎
Comments
how do we tank this raid that obama hasnt authorized for months claiming hes waiting for a dark moon?
what? why would we tank the raid, it could get people killed?
quiet!!! okay I got it, whenever that dipshit who knows more than the generals authorizes the raid, send the pimped out drones with the LED ghost lights, to the target, crank xhibit X on repeat, and fly real low, really really low
what?
quiet!!! X marks the spot, got it?
yes, then what??
wait for my orders to move in
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
I believe him... Who doesnt?
Very very heartbreaking.
Where is the global outcry?
Where is the media coverage?
https://www.sbs.com.au/news/dateline/story/yemens-children-war
2. stay away from war
both kill!
Fighting moves closer to center of Yemen's main port city - Business Insider https://apple.news/A1RbeS7JJTE61VVRIyu2rIA
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
Opinion: What happened with my wife after I saw a young woman do this on a crowded subway train - Fox News https://apple.news/AYGD7MGZoQ2Gzul1IFYIU6g
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
https://www.cnn.com/2018/08/09/middleeast/yemen-bus-intl/index.html
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/pompeo-mattis-call-end-saudi-led-war-yemen-n926646
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/two-days-after-us-call-for-cease-fire-the-saudi-led-coalition-launches-new-attacks-on-yemen/2018/11/02/585de36e-bf0b-40e3-921c-964b47d313a3_story.html
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
House joins Senate in passing measure to end U.S. involvement in Yemen, setting up a Trump veto
By Karoun Demirjian ● Read more »
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
https://fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/R43960.pdf
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©
THE OTHER SIDE OF SIGNALGATE
The Trump Administration’s extraordinary security breach has elicited shock, amusement, and anger. An eyewitness in Yemen describes what happened when the bombs started to fall.
April 8, 2025
On the morning of March 14th, while Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Vice-President J. D. Vance debated a possible U.S. attack on Houthi targets in a now infamous Signal chat, it was afternoon in Yemen, and a five-year-old boy named Hamad was still alive. Hamad had spent the day running around the city with his father, and when night fell he was back home, playing in the yard with his cousins, likely slipping one too many sweets into his mouth.
In a thread called “Houthi PC Small Group,” which included other top national-security officials, Vance seemed concerned about getting dragged into another conflict that was peripheral to American interests. The operation was meant to disrupt the Houthis’ ability to attack commercial ships and American military vessels in the Red Sea, which they had been doing for about a year and a half, in response to Israel’s bombing campaign in Gaza. Vance floated the possibility of delaying the strikes so that the Administration could work on the public “messaging.” “I understand your concerns,” Hegseth told him, but messaging would be “tough” no matter the timing. “Nobody knows who the Houthis are,” he explained.
The debate didn’t last long. Within half an hour, Vance was persuaded. The next day, as sunset prayers ended and families broke their Ramadan fast in north Yemen, Hegseth announced to the group in Washington, “Weather is FAVORABLE. Just CONFIRMED w/ CENTCOM we are a GO for mission launch.” Shortly after, a “package” of F-18s was launched, the first of many strikes.
Just before one in the morning, a man whom I’ll call Hassan—he asked that we not use his real name, owing to concerns about his safety—bolted awake to a thunderous sound. His house, in the Qahza area in Saada, was shaking. The windows shattered as he heard another boom, and then another. “The noise of the air strikes were very unlike the Saudi ones, because they were too loud, too big,” he recently told me, referring to regular bombing campaigns that a Saudi Arabia-led coalition has conducted against Houthi strongholds since 2015.
Smoke and dust filled the rooms, and Hassan scrambled to rush his frightened children outside. He split his family into small groups among relatives’ homes and returned to the site of the strike. His neighbor’s two-story house, about a hundred metres from his own, was levelled. The house belonged to Mosfer Roga’ah, Hassan told me—a Bedouin from the country’s northern Kitaf district who had arrived in the neighborhood around six years earlier. Roga’ah had several sons who were married, so the house was often full of women and children, as it had been that night.
Hassan’s brothers were already there, digging through the rubble, searching for the remains of a family. “They were scattered and torn into pieces,” he said. Rescuers recovered mangled bodies. Among them were two faces Hassan recognized well: the five-year-old boy, Hamad, and a three-year-old girl, Dareen, who was rushed to a hospital in Sanaa, Yemen’s capital. Hamad was dead.
He “was roasted,” Hassan recalled, adding quietly that it was a “horrifying” sight. He later sent me photos of Dareen that were circulating on social media; she was attached to a breathing tube, her body covered in gauze and her face marbled with burn marks. In the debris, locals found remnants of Tomahawk missiles, which Airwars, a British nonprofit organization that tracks civilian harm in conflict zones, confirmed were the munitions used in the strike.
The controversy that has now been dubbed Signalgate has garnered considerable shock, amusement, and anger, illustrating the ineptitude of the Trump Administration for knowingly discussing war plans over a commercial phone app and for unknowingly inviting a journalistinto the discussion. (The White House has insisted that it did not reveal any “war plans.”) Less has been made of the strikes themselves, which raise their own set of questions, including what the U.S.’s aims are in Yemen, and under what legal authority it is pursuing those aims.
American Presidents have struck Yemen before, often pointing to the Authorization for the Use of Military Force, a joint resolution passed after 9/11, which gave the President the power to attack terrorist targets in foreign countries without a formal “declaration of war.” But Trump hasn’t invoked the A.U.M.F.; instead, he echoed aides who say that it is within the President’s constitutional power to launch attacks for defensive purposes.His predecessors, too, seemed to operate with that license: most recently, the Biden Administration continued to strike Houthi targets, without Congressional approval, even after taking the Houthis off the list of foreign terrorist organizations. “For years, Presidents have been asserting expansive power to use military force, under questionable legal authorities, with relatively little pushback from Congress,” Matt Duss, the executive vice-president at the Center for International Policy, a foreign-policy think tank in Washington, D.C., told me. “That’s extremely dangerous no matter who’s in the White House, but particularly with someone like Trump.”
The Trump Administration’s hostilities in Yemen appear more expansive than past campaigns, directed not just at Houthi weapons sites but also at Houthi leaders in residential areas. Perhaps more alarmingly, Trump hints at long-term engagement. “We will use overwhelming lethal force until we have achieved our objective,” Trump vowed. There remains little clarity on what right the President has to repeatedly strike a foreign country without the approval of Congress.
In addition to this legal debate, Signalgate raises questions about the reliability of American intelligence. According to Yemen’s health ministry, more than fifty people were killed in the strikes, and more than a hundred were wounded. One of the attacks hit a cancer-treatment center that was under construction, according to Houthi authorities. Another, the Roga’ah house.
Mosfer Roga’ah and his four sons were not home when the missiles dropped, Hassan told me. They were at the mosque for taraweeh, special prayers performed late into the night during the holy month of Ramadan. A video shared on Facebook shows them returning to where the house once stood. A few men can be seen helping someone stagger through the glare of headlights toward the wreckage. Seconds later, a loud scream pierces through a din of panicked voices. According to Hassan, that was one of Roga’ah’s sons, Abdullah—the father of Dareen and Hamad.
Eventually, Hassan told me, rescuers who dug through the rubble counted fifteen dead, all women and children. Among them were Risala, age thirteen; Saleh, age nine; Abdullah, age six; Nazam, age six; Abdulkader, age five; Hadi, age three; and Motlak, a newborn baby. The baby’s mother was also killed.
The New Yorker was not able to fully corroborate Hassan’s account, and Saada is nearly impossible for foreign journalists to access at the moment, but news reports and public social-media posts about that night counted civilians among the dead. (Many of the posts were made by people with Houthi affiliations.) Shortly after the strikes began, Trump declared on Truth Social that he had ordered the military “to launch decisive and powerful Military action,” adding that the Houthis “have waged an unrelenting campaign of piracy, violence, and terrorism against American, and other, ships, aircraft, and drones.”
Officials in the Trump Administration seemed unfazed by the prospect that civilians might die in the bombardment. “The first target—their top missile guy—we had positive ID of him walking into his girlfriend’s building and it’s now collapsed,” Michael Waltz, the national-security adviser, wrote on Signal, in an update to the team. “Excellent,” Vance replied. The C.I.A. director, John Ratcliffe: “A good start.” Waltz responded with emojis of a fist bump, an American flag, and fire. (Later, the U.S. Department of Defense said that it “takes allegations of civilian harm seriously and has a process in place to review them.”)
Trump’s White House, like its predecessors, continues to emphasize that the Houthis are supported by Iran. But the group also emerged from local political dynamics. The founders of the Houthi movement belonged to Zaydism, a Shia branch of Islam that ruled northern Yemen for a thousand years before being overthrown in the nineteen-sixties. A couple of decades later, Zaydism was revived as a cultural and political movement by Hussein al-Houthi, in part as a way to challenge Yemen’s central government, which disfavored Zaydis and neglected northern areas, like Saada. After 9/11, the U.S. poured military aid into Yemen as part of its global war on terror, expanding the Yemeni President’s ability to quell Houthi dissent—in turn drawing more support for the movement.
Yemen underwent a significant transformation. The Houthis grew in power and popularity, then launched an insurgency that spiralled into a series of wars with the central government. During the Arab Spring, in 2012, the Yemeni President stepped down; in the years that followed, Houthis stormed the capital. Regional and world powers, concerned that the group would expand, began to bombard and raid the country. The United States backed Saudi-led bombing campaigns, supported a naval and air blockade, and instituted a sanctions regime; together, these measures have further entrenched the Houthis’ hold on power, killed hundreds of thousands of people, and helped to push more than seventeen million into conditions of severe hunger. Today, Yemen remains one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world.
The U.S. continues to pummel Yemen. Recently, Trump shared a black-and-white video, from an aerial viewpoint, of a bomb landing on a group of about seventy people in a circle, which a Houthi-led news agency later described as a social gathering for Eid. Smoke fills the screen and, within seconds, a crater emerges. “These Houthis gathered for instructions on an attack. Oops, there will be no attack by these Houthis!” the President wrote.
Meanwhile, Roga’ah and his sons are surveying their own catastrophic damage. The fresh graves of their dead wives and children are lined neatly in a row, the result of a strike hastily agreed to over text message thousands of miles away. “They have hearts broken into pieces,” Hassan told me, of Roga’ah and Abdullah. “Every day they are crying, remembering this family that disappeared without any reason.” ♦︎
The Other Side of Signalgate
https://www.newyorker.com/news/the-lede/the-other-side-of-signalgate
Libtardaplorable©. And proud of it.
Brilliantati©